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Notes from Revolution: An Intellectual History by Enzo Traverso

P. 28 During the 20th century we became accustomed to victories and defeats as military clashes; revolutions cornered power with weapons, defeats took the form of military coups and fascist dictatorships. The defeat we suffered at the turn of the 21st century, however, must be measured by different criteria. Capitalism has won because it has succeeded in shaping our lives and our mental habitus, because it has succeeded in imposing itself as an anthropological model, a ‘way of life’. The most powerful armies are not invincible. The peasants of Vietnam, one of the poorest countries in the world a century ago, succeeded, through a struggle that can justly be defined as heroic, in defeating, first, Japanese and French colonialism, and then, despite the napalm attacks, American imperialism. What we have not managed to stop, however, is the ongoing process of universal commodity deification that, like an octopus, is enveloping the entire planet. Capitalism took its revenge through the current Vietnamese economic boom.

P. 44 

Railways also offered a metaphor for both the circulation of capital and its cyclical crises. As Wolfgang Schivelbusch has brilliantly shown, the concept of circulation, previously related to the lexicon of biology and physiology, in the 19thcentury enlarged its scope and was quickly metaphorized to express systems of communication and the unification of the social body. Circulation meant a healthy body, whereas any static element appeared as an obstacle or a symptom of disease. Cities, territories and nations began to be viewed as living bodies, the objects of what Foucault would later call modern bio politics. Schivelbusch quotes a popular book by Maxine du Camp, published at the time of Huassmann’s reshaping of the French capital under the Second Empire, which was significantly titled Paris, ses organes, ses fonctions, as vie. The wide boulevards that replaced the old labyrinth of small streets and redesigned the structure of the city along modern, rational lines, mean “a double system of circulation and respiration”. The social concept of “traffic” joined the physiological concept of circulation. According to Marx, circulation is, alongside production, a crucial moment of capital’s life, and the link between them is time. The three volumes of Capital depict a conceptual totality: the linear, homogenous time of production in the first volume; the cyclical time of circulation in the second, where Marx analyses the process of rotation and enlarged reproduction of capital; and the organic time of capital in the third, where he reconsistitutes the entire process as a unity of the time of production and the time of circulation”

P. 52 Machines are motors that replace the muscular energy of workers and animals… radically modify the old metabolic pathways between human beings and nature… introduce an anthropological break between ‘labor’ and ‘labour power’ which Agne Heller has depicted as the transition from a ‘paradigm of work to a ‘paradigm of production’ Now, socialism meant liberation from Labour rather than rough labour … .. This conception contains the premises of a socialist utopia grounded on an idea of total freedom and human liberation from any material constraint, and t the same time a dangerous idealisation of technology that announces the controversial relationship between socialism and ecology in the 20th century. In fact, Marx’s entire ouvre is shaped by an unresolved tension between the two contradictory tendencies. On the one hand, a positivist attempt – so typical of the time – to discover the ‘laws of motion’ of the capitalist mode of production and, beyond capitalism of history, which resulted in the evolutionary scheme of the succession of social formations described in his introduction to Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. ON the other hand, a dialectical vision of history as an open process, made of unpredictable turns and bifurcations, with a predetermined direction and whose final result depends on human agency. In this second conception, the development of productive forces – science, technology, motors, machines etc – was a premise for both socialism and a negative dialectic that reinforced exploitation and destroyed nature itself. This tension between a ‘determinist’ and a ‘constructivist’ Marx, that never found a satisfactory resolution in his work, makes sterile the antipodal portraits of him either as a ‘Promethean’ advocate of productivity or the forerunner of modern political ecology.

P. 96 It was Walter Benjamin, a heterodox Marxist, who turned Marx’s metaphor upside-down. He proposed a radically anti-positivist historical materialism that would have ‘annihilated in itself the idea of progress’….famous theses on the concept of history contain the following sentence: ‘Marx says that revolutions are the locomotives of history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train – namely the human race – to activate the emergency brake.” … Marx celebrated the ‘demonic energy’ of industrial capitalism and the rising workers’ movement. Benjamin wrote in 1940, when it was ‘midnight in the century’. Today railways evoke Aushwitz sooner than glorious revolutions. 

P. 79

At the end of 1918, when he was Commissar for the Arts in Vitebsk, Marc Chagall painted Forward, Forward, a canvas which he described as a study for the anniversary of the October Revolution…portrays the Revolution as it was perceived by its actors, a jump towards the future and a feeling of weightlessness. This feeling can very well coexist with the worst material conditions – the ravages of war, food shortages, penury – and arises from the deep conviction that everything is changing, that the old world is finishing and a new one is coming, brought about by a transformation from below.Building a new society is a difficult task, a titanic ambition that requires enormous sacrifices and whose outcome still remains uncertain, but the present is shaped by this gravity, a sensation that affects bodies like an electric pulse and energises them. Revolution is also a corporeal experience.”

P. 82 The events of Hune 1848 revealed the birth of a new political body: the constitution of the oppressed and the labouring classes into a historical subject. In his recollections Tocqueville mentions some individual figures, and even describes the barricades, bit it is only when speaking of his own class that he distinguishes its members (‘landlords, lawyers, doctors’) Describing the popular classes of Paris, he paints them as a single body that acts by moving its different organs.. This people acted as a conscious body, what Marc, in the same years, called ‘a class for itself’. .. IN My Life (1929) Leon Trotsky devotes similarly striking pages to portraying the effervescence of Petrograd in 1917 and the awakening of its proletarian classes. He did not write as an external observer but as a leader of the revolution , and so it was from inside the people itself that he experienced the molecular process through which it moved to the centre of the political stage. This meant, n his words, ‘the inspired frenzy of history’ This frenzied inspiration was eminently creative…Trotsky explained the way in which he himself, a leader, had been absorbed by a people who ‘suggested’ the words of his speeches to him and transformed them into the wilful expression of an unconscious collective process”

P. 126 Some pages of Literature and Revolution sketch an impressive image of a future nature completely reshaped by technology and leading to a redefinition of human life itself. .. In a socialist future, men ‘will be accustomed to look at the world as submissive clay for sculpting the most perfect forms of life’. .. According to the principles of functionalism, art will be ‘formative’ rather than ‘ornamental’ and will achieve a new a harmonic relationship with nature, not in a Rousseauiam sense – a romantic return to the primal and idyllic ‘state of nature’ but rather thought the complete submission of the planet to the needs of a superior civilisation. This would bring significant changes in distribution of mountains and rivers, forests and seashores…. In his anthropocentric view, the relationship between human beings and nature had to be hierarchical… socialism would reshape human life itself by accomplishing a bio political plan that would ultimately take a eugenic form’.

P. 146 Antonio Gramsci elaborated an impressive theory of socialism as redemptive of (rather than liberation from) labour… Whereas Taylorism transformed workers into ‘trained gorillas’ by breaking the ‘pschyo-physical nexus of qualified professional work’ socialism would re-establish such a nexus on a superior level, by creating a ‘new type’ of conscious worker, able to control and manage the labour process in which he was involved. This superior kind of producer and human being, Gramsci stressed, was the outcome of an almost eugenic plan: “A forced selection will ineluctably take place; a part of the old working class will be pitilessly eliminated from the world of labour, and perhaps from the world tout court.” This regenerated ‘superior’ specimen would possess some corporeal and ascetic habits forged by his role as producer. … Proletarian power, he explained, meant ‘self-coercion and self-discipline (like Algiers trying himself to the chair)”… this biopolitical reshaping of human beings as productive and disciplined bodies fetishised both the homo faber and the development of productive forces. The advent of the New Man as an ascetic producer was incompatible with the hedonism of the socialist ‘winged Eros’. 

P. 148-9 

“The Atlantic Revolutions of the last quarter of the 18th century – a cycle of uprisings that swept from America to France to Saint-Domingue (Haiti), establishing the ideological and political bases of our modernity – are deposited in essentially national memories. They were obviously correlated n the consciousness of their actors, but their entanglement did not produce supranational memories: whereas the American and French revolutions are frequently opposed as two antipodal paradigms, the Black Jacobins have been silenced for a century and half and therefore excluded from an essentially Western revolutionary canon. .. At once an omnipresent heritage and an ungraspable memorial object, revolutions have today again become, to use Edmund Burke’s famous phrase exhumed by Marx and Engles, ‘spectres haunting Europe’. They speak to us of the past but perhaps they are still announcing the future. Their universal legacy is, first of all, a concept. If the world ‘revolution’ is old, it is only after 1789 that it takes on, in all languages, its modern significance. Borrowed from astronomy, it was previously used to designate a ‘rotation’, meaning the re-establishment of stable institutions after a period of troubles. This is how the British defined their ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688… while the upheaval led by Cromwell in the 1640s was considered a ‘Civil War’. .. [US] their rebellion was a ‘War of Independence’ and one would have to wait two decades for it to become the ‘American Revolution’. 

P. 159 “Roman Law, Agamben argues, distinguished between auctoritas and potetas: the first embodied by a personal, physical, one could say ‘biopolitical’ authority; the second by a juridical and representative body. The state of exception was the junction of auctoritas and potestas, ‘Two heterogeneous yet coordinated elements’, in the figure of the dictator”. This distinction is the source of two opposed currents in the history of juridical thought: o the one hand, the thinkers of political sovereignty and, on the other, those of juridical positivism: decisionism versus normativism, the two traditions in embodied in the 20th century by Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsey. Schmitt thinks of the state as forged and shaped by an existential and political will (Nomos); Kelsen, on the contrary, as a structure of formalised norms. The former posit is the priority of power; the later that of law. For decisionism, I is power that determines the norm, as the original source of any juridical system; for normativisim, on the contrary, it is the law that determines power, which exists only thanks to a system of rules that structure it. In fact, power is usually the resul of a combination of force and law… That is why Weber did not which to dissociate force (Macht) from legitimacy (Herrschaft).

P. 162 

“In the 1790s, the philosophical background of counterrevolution was irrationalism, which considered the idea of a world regulated by reason as downright nonsensical. Created by God, the world of Legitimism was organised by Providence, not reason… Burke, however, represented the ‘moderate’ current of counter-revolution; he was attached to the juridical framework of the British monarchy, had approved of American independence and looked positively on the development of market society. In continental Europe, counterrevolution was far more radical and sometimes took on an almost apocalyptic favour. It thinkers considered social and political inequalities to be just s natural as the vocation of human beings to obey their superiors. Contemptible and descpicable, mankind deserved only to be chastised. History was a torrent of blood, a perpetual massacre, a slaughter in which human beings were punished for their sins. Authority, hierarchy, discipline, tradition, submission and honour; these were the values of counterrevolution.”

P. 167 

“In the 1920s the profile of counterrevolution also changed.The collapse of the European dynastic order fixed by the Congress of Vienna.- what Karl Polanyi defined as “The Hundred Years Peace” – had rendered obsolete that philosophy which, for a century, had inspired the partisans of order and found its pillars in Catholicism, anti-republicanism and conservatism… the right became ‘revolutionary’ and conquered a mass support that it did not have, except for very short periods, in the previous century. .. Nationalism acquired symbols and rituals borrowed from a Jacobin model – the people in arms – previously abhorred. It’s leader, often of plebeian origins, had discovered politics in street fights and the revolutionary lexicon suited them better than parliamentary rhetoric.”

P. 184 

“For Ernst Bloch, the author of The Principle of Hope (1954-9), the dreams of a better world arise from the tensions of a ‘non-synchonic’ world, in which different and sometimes antipodal temporalities, belonging to different eras, coexist in the same social space. In his view, this heterogenous structure of historical time – he called it Ungleichzeitigkeit – is the source of utopian thinking and imagination, in which the past and the future merge to invent a new aesthetic and intellectual configurations. Thus, his work consisted primarily in excavating the past as an inexhaustible reservoir of experiences, ideas and objects that hear witness to the search for a liberated future: imprints, vestiges, traces (Spuren) of collective dreams, the images that portray a desired community of free and equal human beings. The principle of Hope, a three volume book like an impressive encyclopaedia of utopias, is paradoxically devoid of any prediction of a future world. It is rather a historical investigation of ‘future pasts’, a critical inventory of the innumerable ways in which people have gained or ‘anticipated’ the future down the ages… Bloch is a kind of archaeologist who, with incredible erudition, patiently unearths and recomposes the ‘daydreams’ of our ancestors : exhibitions, circuses, dancing, travel, songs, movies and more. Bloch analyses utopias inscribed into the entire spectrum of human knowledge, from medicine to architecture, via aesthetics and technology.. on the one hand there is the ‘cold stream’ of utopias prefiguring a hierarchical, authoritarian and oppressive order like Plato’s Republic, Saint-Simon’s New Industrial Order, and Etienne Cabet’s Icaria… on the other hand, the ‘warm stream’ of libertarian and communist utopias well represented by Thomas more, Charles Fourier and Karl Marx… in the 20th century, the apocalyptic age of wars and revolutions, utopias had become both concrete and possible, abandoning their previous character of abstract fantasy.”

P. 226 “In France and Western Europe, the word ‘intellectual’ is usually related to the Dreyfus affair, the political crisis that deeply shook the Third Republic. .. Before that the word existed and was used – infrequently – to designate certain new actors or modernity: scholars, writers, journalists, clerks, lawyers, in short people living by the pen. Th word often took a negative meaning. Unlike ‘intellect’, a noble human faculty – the ‘intellectual’ was cast as a modern, ‘cerebral’ agent, divorced from nature, condemned to sterile and uncreating thinking, shut inside an artificial world made of abstract values.”

P. 227 “Unlike in France, where intellectuals were well represented within the institutions of the Third Republic – above all the universities which, including the Sorbonne, were Dreyfusard bastions – in Germany the gulf between scholars (Gelehrte) and intellectuals (Intellektuelle) was almost insuperable and even deepened under the Weimar Republic. There, scholars belonged to state institutions, embodied science and order, and transformed the universities into strongholds of nationalism. Whereas academics educated the superior layers of state bureaucracy and selected the political elites, the real of intellectuals was located in civil society, outside the academy. Temples of tradition, some of the best inverse ties were located in small cities and rural regions. The intellectuals, on the contrary, were at home in the big cities, where they emerged with the rise of a powerful culture industry.”

P. 230 in Russia “they were a minority of outcasts, in a twofold sense: on the one hand, as a group of cultivated people in a nation of illiterate peasants, and on the other, as representatives of literature, journalism and liberal arts in a society with a still embryonic and repressed public sphere. Their clash against absolutism pushed them towards political radicalism, and tsarist despotism pushed them towards political radicalism.”

P. 239 “In contrast to anarchism, which always welcome bohemian artists and writers as its own natural representatives, Marxism looked at the intelligentsia which suspicious, never quite coming to terms with a strange actor that appeared simultaneously attractive and highly repulsive. Insofar as Marxist thinkers were themselves intellectuals – sociologically speaking at least – such paradoxical behaviour clearly revealed a crisis of identity and a reluctant self-definition. This uncanniness began with Marx and Engles …”

P. 245 “a) intellectuals are a bourgeois layer b) they can join the proletariat only by deserting their own class c) the proletariat needs the intellectuals in order to build its socialist ideology d) déclassé intellectuals – lumpen or bohemians – are an unstable and unreliable social stratum that tends to join the political reaction, as in France in 1848. One of the most striking aspects of this debate lay in self-negation: nobody was ready to admit that the overwhelming majority of Marxist leaders, activists and thinks were themselves déclassé intellectuals… Wedded to a teleological vision of history that posited the transition from capitalism to socialism as an ineluctable process bringing the triumph of science, culture, technological progress and a higher development of productive forces, Marxist thinkers could not imagine these colossal accomplishments being carried out by marginal actors.”

P. 246 “Michael Bakunin ,a wandering anarchists coming from the Russian aristocracy, lucidly recognised that the transition from the ruling classes to the radical left implied a willing declassement.”

P. 270 “‘Artists are often outsiders and transgressors,’ writes Michael Lowry, ‘but few of them embody as many boundary-defying qualities as Claude Cajun: lesbian, surrealist, dissident Marxist, non-Jewish Jew, photographer, poet, critic and Resistance activist. Claude Cahun was an heiress, in Bourdieu’s sense of the word, since she had bourgeois origins – her father was an established publisher and her uncle, the literary critic Marcel Schwab”

P. 278 “Whereas the introduction of Marxism in China expressed both the powerful attraction of European modernity and a critical reassessment of Confucian culture, in Dutch Indonesia it reflected a new relationship between nationalism, anti-imperialism and the Islamic tradition amongst a young generation of intellectuals who, like their Chinese comrades, had experienced both Japanese and Western emigration. This was the case of Tan Malala.. introduced to Marxism by Hank Sneevliet, one of the leaders of Dutch socialism and a founder of the Indonesian Community Party. …  during the 1920s .. ravelled throughout the east, from China to Thailand, from the Philippines to Singapore, as an agent of the Communist International, being arrested several times. 

P. 334 “Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of ‘justice’ but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when ‘ freedom’ becomes a special privilege.” Rosa Luxembourg, The Russian Revolution.

P. 380 Herbert Marcuse “Freedom is living without toil, without anxiety: the play of human faculties. The realisation of freedom is a problem of time: reducing of the working day to the minimum which turns quantity into quality. A socialist society is a society in which free time, not labour time is the social measure of wealth and the dimension of the individual existence.” (Preface 1957 to Marxism and Freedom: From 1776 Until Today.

P. 446

 1920 “the Bolsheviks organised a Congress of the People’s of the East in Baku, Azerbaijan Society Socialist Republic which convened almost 2,000 delegates from 29 Asian nationalities … despite their small number among the delegates, women played an important role in the discussions. The chairmanship was equal – two male and two female presidents – and the question of women’s rights was put on the agenda. The Turkish feminist Najiye Hanukkah insisted that there was no national liberation without women’s emancipation and claimed a complete civil and political equality for women in the East. Their struggle, she emphasised, went well beyond “the right to walk in the street without wearing the chador”. … congress prefiguring “what today would be called intersectionality”. 

Books Environmental politics History Women's history

Notes from Elderflora: A Modern History of Ancient Trees

P. 33 The ancient forests of Mount Lebanon contained junipers, firs, and pines, but only cedars became literary metaphors and economic indicators. The reason is resin. Cedar wood contains organic polymers that resist shrinkage, warpage and rot, making it ideal for woodworking. Additionally, its resin can be refined into medicines and salves as well as agents for calking, wood preserving and embalming. When 20th century archaeologists exhumed a ship beside the Great Pyramid of Giza, the 4,500 year old planking still smelled wet. Egypt obtained its everlasting wood from Phoenicia, a group of coastal city states in present-day Lebanon and Syria. Every major power in the ancient Near East traded with Phoenician timber merchants. According to the Torah, some of the best cedar ended up in Jerusalem, after ing Solomon of Israel contracted with King Hiriam of Tyre. Solomon finished the First Temple in aromatic cedar, and for himself constructed an opulent residence called the House of the Forest of Lebanon…. In a wood scarce region, conquest led to recycling. No city has been conquered more times than Jerusalem. P. 34 Through radiocarbon dating, researchers have discovered that Al-Aqua Mosque… was built in part with decaf beams reclaimed from Roman temples, which themselves were made with material taken from the monuments of Herod, the Jewish king who erected the Second Temple. The plunder goes back further, Nebuchadnezzar II sacked Solomon’s Temple in the 6th century BCE… by the Europhrates, Nebuchadnezzar raised a cedar-roofed palace and a decaf- jointed ziggurat. … IN the second century, Hadrian placed the equivalent of 100 “no trespassing” signs around Mount Lebanon. … Today, scrubland surrounds these Roman boundary stones, and people dig around them, looking for buried treasure. P. 3 In the early medieval period, for the first time, large numbers of people moved to the Levantine high country, Mount Lebanon became a refuge for ethnoreligious minorities, notably Maronites (eastern Catholics) who cleared forests and terraced land for cereal crops. On a continuing basis, locals cut trees for firewood and charcoal. Highlanders also tended goats, which nibbled the understory to the ground each season. Conifers did not evolve with mammals, much less grazers. It takes decades for a Cedric’s Lisa I to reach sexual maturation and produce its distinctive upright cones. .. p. 35 Starting around 1550, European pilgrim tourists began journeying to the top of the Qadisha Valley to see these incorruptible relics of biblical time. Visitors obsessively enumerated the grove’s remaining @Ancient Ones@ – specimens coeval with Creation, or the Deluge, or the Prophets… 16th century tallies varied from 23 to 28. The problem became proverbial. The Cedars of Lebanon cannot be counted. By the 19thcentury, the number of “Patriarchs” or “Saints” had fallen as ow as five or ten… p. 39 A new age began in the 1990s. The government gave blanket protection to the national tree, established new reserves, and authorised new plantings of the species. Fr its part, UNESCO gave World Heritage designation to the Qadisha Valley, including the famous grove, now called Arz el-Rab (Cedars of God) in Arabic…. Modellers predict that by 2100 only a handful of high-altitude locations on Mount Lebanon will be able to support cedar – assuming that people continue to assist their migration and defence.”

P. 48 Gingkos even lived through an end of time at the end of the world – Year Zero at Ground Zero. As Hiroshima burned, scores of injured residents who survived the initial impact ran to Shukkein Garden – 1,370 metres from the epicentre – and perished amid the skeletonised trees, including an almost toppled ginkgo. Defying death, the tree used out new buds and generated a second layer of annual good, a double ring for 1945. To this day, the leaning gingko stands… Each autumn peace activists come to collect seeds for distribution around the world… gingko is longevous on two scales – in evolutionary age as a Claude and in biological age as individuals. … At the organismimal level, it avoids senescence, as recently proven at a cellular and molecular levels. A gingko’s ability to do the stuff of living – growing full-sized leaves, photosynthesising, generating viable sperm and seeds, producing anti-microbial chemicals – doesn’t decline over time. Wood production declines slightly past two centuries, but not enough to shift a gingko from its default mode of immortality. The organism dies from external stress, not internal aging…. Catalstrophic injury can lead to life renewal, thanks to lignotubers and aerial roots”… like olives, gingkos hollow out, denying scientists of tree rings and radiocarbon dating going back ten centuries or more.”

P. 50 “Since the 19th century, plant hunters, mainly Westerners, have searched the mountains of China for the oldest, wildest gingkos. To the Chinese, “wild” has little cultural resonance, and little practical meaning. All the land below 1,000 meters in elevation was deforested in ancient times. .. a few old gingko populations exist – as demonstrated by genetic testing – in highland refugia. One of these remnant groups grows adjacent to an important Buddhist monastery at Tianmushan, Zhenjiang province. Did monks plant these trees, or did monks plant themselves here because of these trees?

P. 82 “Firm evidence that baobabs can live 1,000 years came in the 1960s… Southern Africa will continue to get hotter and drier, shrinking the habitat … for as long as ecologists have studied the baobab – just one century – they’ve noted a paucity of young trees as well as centuries gaps between mature cohorts. This is characteristic of various slow-growing, long-lived trees. … the multi year co-occurrence of atmospheric and soil conditions needed for seedling recruitment simply happens rarely. Now that people and livestock have greater footprints and hoof prints – and now that industrial countries have irrevocably alterered he climate of the planet. Who know when that optimal sequence will recur in Africa… now required human care for baobab to remain. 20th century Africa inspired two remarkable tree-planting NGOs. The Men of Trees led by Richard Sr Barbe Baker, and later the Green Belt Movement led by Wangari Marathai. Of the two, Maathai’s Christian feminist indigenous environmentalism seems capable of longer life. Maathai understood the intersectional possibilities of stewarding land, empowering women and reforming government. As the Nobel laureate once said: “ You have to nurture it, you have to water it, you have to keep at it until it becomes rooted so it can take care of itself.@ She was talking about a tree, and she was talking about so much more.

P. 86 As dated by the molecular clock, the Taxus family evolved around the end-Cretaceous extinction event. Taxus does well in oceanic climes, and it thrived in the Tertiary period when the planetary north was mild and humid. Then came the Quaternary, when extreme climatic oscillations dried, iced, thawed and re-iced the European subcontinent. Once a hotspot of conifer diversity, Europe was repeatedly, progressively, deconiferised.  During deep freezes, Europes’s yews retreated to Mediterranean refugia.  With each interglacial, the species faced stiffer competition from aster-growing angiosperms, particularly beeches. T bachata requires decades to reach sexual maturity, and then, to reproduce, requires male and female members as well as avian seed dispersers.  In the Holocene … the lowland Med grew too hot and dry for yews. The species advnaages – tolerance for shade, endurance over time – count for more in clement, stable climes.”

“After catastrophic injury, it can restart life from the roots or from epicormic buds in the trunk – even from the stump. … downward growing branches root themselves, then grow new leads upwards. A single old organism can thus compromise a tiny grove. A hollow specimen can even layer from the inside, filling its voice with a new branch-cum-trunk that fuses with the old shell.”

P87 The Palaeolithic Clayton spear – the oldest known woodworked object …. Dates back some 400,000 years. … when Homo heidelbergenisis and Homo Neanderthal is walked the shored of future Albion.. from the bogs of northern Germany and Denmark, archaeologists have dug up hundreds of yew shafts and bows from the Neolithic. The ancient man dubbed Otis – mummified in Tyrolean ice from 5,000 years – carried a stave of yew.”

P. 87 “Taxus is toxic. Every piece of the plant, save one, can poison ruminants, horses, humans – and human cancers, as now evidenced by Taxol … the exception is the aril, the fleshy seed pup that turns bright red in fall. (Yes lack cones, despite being conifers.) The somber foliage – the most chemical part of the tree – occasionally shows up in Greco-Roman sources, and in pathology reports, as a means of suicide.”

 P. 90 The latest, best gazetteer goes by the name Ancient Yew Group, an interactive website built on Google Maps. … maintenance of the website falls to one sel-effacing volunteer named Tim Hills….although Tim knows the website will outlive him, he worries that future webmasters may not have the time, resources, or inclination to maintain his high standardS. The ephemeral it’s of digital information haunts him.”

P. 117 From the Revolution onward, the French state had emphasised the protection of built monuments. Revolutionaries and later the Commune defaced or destroyed many edifices; in response, the nation asserted its powers of classification and preservation over royal and ecclesiastical monuments, reimagined as the patrimony of the people. Analogous to gGermn foresters registering ancient trees while modernising the forest, French planners created architectural protection zones while Hausmannizing the city. This top down effort resulted in the seminal 1887 French low on the “conservation of onuments and objects of art of historical and artistic importance”. 

P.274 The sweet chestnut did not become the ‘bread tree’ until the early medieval (Carolingian) period. It was the perfect plant for changing times. While the western Roman Empire had existed, rural peoples could produce grapes and grains for export to urban centres. After it fell apart, there were fewer labourers as well as consumers. Economics had to become localised and self-sufficient. Groves of chestnuts required little labour compared to vineyards and wheat fields, and they thrived in hill topographies unsuited to cereal crops. .. the species expanded all over the Italian peninsula, and throughout the western Mediterranean, from the 9th century onwards. .. the fruits of this bio cultural landscape helped to sustain regions such as Campania and Lombardy until the revival of the coastal trade around the 1st millennium BCE, at which point smoked chestnut themselves were a tradeable commodity. … people perfected techniques of breeding, grafting, pruning, compiling and pollarding .. stewards encouraged cycles: feces from goats and sheep became fertiliser for the trees; leaves from he trees became litter for stables; and discarded cupules became additional fertiliser for cereals intercropped between the trees. Even dying chestnuts could be useful as sources of tannic acid for leather making.A well-managed chestnut woodland was sustainable centuries before Europeans invented the idea of sustainability.’

P. 276 “Ink disease” – the consequence of a species of water mould – arrived in Europe in the 18th or early 19thcentury, causing root and collar rot in chestnuts. A century later came chestnut blight, a pathogen that had annihilated the mighty chestnuts of eastern North America. After arriving in Genoa in 1938, the Bligh spread throughout Italy, then France and Spain. People assumed the worst outcome before something unexpected happened – the papers of hypovirulence, or a virus that attacked the fungal pathogen. The phyvirulence transmitted quickly and widely enough to prevent complete devastation, an example of all-natural biological control… Cankered but not killed by blight, old chestnuts have survived in great enough numbers t permit a partial revival of foodways.”

P. 277 @In the 1990s and early 2000s, geographers, anthropologists and historians engaged in a debate about the so-called pristine myth, part of a larger discussion on the ‘trouble with wilderness’. At the end of it all, the intellectual consensus came full circle: experts descibed the pre-colonial Amazon as a “manufactured landscape”, an “anthropogenic forest” and an independent Center of domestication, complete with “garden cities”… a hybrid: a ‘natural’ forest thoroughly interspersed with patches of anthropogenic woodland in which specific tree species achieve ‘hyperdominance’. One of these species is Brazil nut …. A specimen takes decades to reach reproductive age, then starts dropping large, heavy capsules. The fatty, protein rich ‘nuts’ encased inside are technically seeds. Very few creatures can open the woody capsules – large rodents, monkeys, humans. Some scientists speculate that the tree is anachronistic, because the homphotheres (elephant in megafauna) that presumably dispersed the seeds ent extinct some 10,000 years ago. Today, Brazil nuts generally appear in well-spaced population clustered. This pattern does not fit models of random distribution. Of the estimated 16,000 tree species of the Amazon, Castaneda is one of a handful that is wildly over-represented. Others include Marisa palm, rubber tree, and cocoa trees – all similarly useful to humans. … Paleo-Indians … creating and managing stands of trees that provided food perennially, supplementing annual crops such as squash and cassava. All the evidence about Brazil nut – including he near-uniform genetic composition of many stands – suggests that humans have for millennia been its primary dispersal agent.”

P. 286 Wollemi pine “counts as a living fossil, though less definitively than Gingko for it still has relatives at the family level. With its primitive branching system, Wollemia bears a spindly resemblance to the monkey puzzle tree, its Chilean in… a few hundred persevere in the wild – four stands total… a single system of sandstone slot canyons in the Blue Mountains…p. 288 at the genomic level, the 90-odd-million-year-old Wollemia genus is moribund. Barely any diversity exists in the four remaining stands.”

P. 288 One of two types of elderflora that Australians suddenly appreciated in the late 20th century. The other example … came from southwest Tasmania, involving a species called Huon pine, which, like Wollemi pine, is not a pine. It’s closest relative, a fellow polo carp – a family of southern conifers – occurs in New Zealand. .. the 1980s, when the government commissioned a survey of the species. By this point, 90% of all stands had been logged. … cored living specimens over 1,000 years old … every Huon pine on Mount Read was male. After determining that this hectare-sized population represented a single genet – one clinal superorganism – they tried to measure its place time. By radiocarbon dating onsite wood as well as pollen from an adjacent lakebed, they assembled strong evidence that the organism had been growing in place for at least 10,000 years.”

P. 294 There is no Ur-tree ancestor common to all plants that people honour as trees, by which I mean largish single-trucked plants that live a longish time. Arborescence (treeness) has happened – and unhappened – many miles in evolutionary history. Plants are nothing if not plastic. Some herbaceous plants like strawberries have woody ancestors, while some woody plants like mulberries have herbaceous ancestors… aborescence exemplifies convergent evolution…. Even grasslike angiosperms (monocots) can achieve treelike form if they produce enough lignin to rigidity and thicken their outer tissue Palms are monocots that can grow taller than most lignophytes. Other monumental monocots include dragon trees and Joshua trees, both in the asparagus family. .. cycads in particular defy categorisation. They have plamlike fronds, but they are gymnosperms, unrelated to palms. They produce some of the most amazing ones in nature without being conifers. They contain wood yet lack growth rings. In terms of evolutionary age, they rank among the oldest plants that people call trees, though people rarely do.”

Books Environmental politics History Women's history

Notes from English Food: A People’s History

P. 42 A poem of 1635 celebrated the longevity of Thomas Parr of Shropshire, aged over one hundred, who ate nothing but “coarse maslin bread”. In Cornwall, rye was grown only on ground too infertile for whieat and the poor in 1602 also used barley “grown into great use of late years” and in the dear [famine] season past…. existence of two bakers’ guilds in medieval London, the white bakers and the torte bakers…The latter are usually equated with brown bread bakers by historians, but the 1440 Bread Assize Ordinance says “the white shall bake all manner of breed that they can make of wheat”…torte bakers were not allowed to own a sieve, but they may have been defined less by this than by the ability to bake with grains other than wheat. Rye, for example, and barley, are exacting and difficult because they lack gluten, and to this day German rye bakers are specialists and often bake nothing else.”

P. 32 “with their wheaten bread, the Romans came the first (of very many) immigrant groups to attempt, with mixed success, to reproduce a food from the parent culture… installed their preference for white wheat bread, and installed it as a status symbol. In West Yorkshire, sites with more wheat remains also had posher pottery fineware. But the problem for the Romans, and for Roman wannabes, was that their wheat did not grow as well in the damp British Isles as it did in the North African grain basket of the Empire…. saw barley as fit only for horses, but it was still popular in some places, partly because Roman garrisons were themselves diverse – the Catterick garrison from the Danube brought a taste for barley and barley bread with them. The South and Midlands also rejected wheat for spelt. But the heard-to-get wheaten loaf left its mark. Even long after the legions had withdrawn, golden-crusted white bread was still an object of desire .. into the Anglo-Saxon era.”

P. 33 Archaeology shows that the Anglo-Saxon bread often included ground and kneaded barley, rye, oats, buckwheat, dried beans, acorns, hazel and alder seeds, and in particularly lean times, even weed seeds and tree bark, which would have added layers of taste and nutritional value…tenderising or scenting role. The idea that impurities in bread helped health had not been unknown to the Romans, whose dieticians supported the consumption of brown bread, and they are also shown to be effective by evidence provided by skeletal remains from the time of the Domesday Book, showing no signs of the scurvy and rickets that bedevilled later populations. But this might have been because porridge had ousted head … bread ovens became rarer in new houses.”

P. 46 “average male height, having risen from 165cm to 172cm between the Mesolithic and the early medieval period, fell to 171cm; Britons had become taller under Roman occupation, their average height increasing from 167-170cm. This coincided with the Roman’s improved water and sanitation systems and a more varied diet. Height decreased from 600AD and then began to climb again, increasing to 173cm in the 1100s, very close to average heights in the 20th century. But after 1200 men became shorter in stature … there were shortages of crop seeds as temperatures turned colder over the century, with weather becoming far more changeable until the early 1300s. Heigh decreased again after 1650, reaching just 169cm in the late 1600s – a decline that continued until the early 1800s. Average life expectancy declined too, as infant mortality soared; people born between 1650 and 1750 could expect to live just 35 years – down from 40 years in the late 1500s.

P. 63 The failure of the Irish potato crop and the mass starvation that followed forced Sir Robert Peel and his Conservative government to reconsider the wisdom of the Corn Laws. In January 1846 a new Corn Law was passed that reduced the duty on oats, barley and wheat to the insidnificant sum of one shilling per quarter. Aware of the recent crisis, the food advice experts stepped up to the plate. Unfamiliar grains and pulses were imported, and recipes for rice bread circulated, while ladies wondered why the cook couldn’t make a decent loaf from rice … all parochial relief after 1799 was to be via rice, potatoes and soup. Rice was cheap, still cheaper from India via the East India Company than from the recently independent American Carolina’s. Rice, said nutritionists prompted (as they so often are) by the food industry, was just as good as bread  … the poor were advised to mix ‘a little morsel of Cheshire cheese’ with rice to ‘greatly improve the flavour”. Rice could be cooked over a very low fire, the experts said, during the working day, but the Manchester cotton workers were unconvinced. The experts felt that drinking too much tea made them demand bread and butter, a convenience food for the idle. Bread, it was opined, was a lazy substitute for cooking, and since the poor could boil a kettle for tea they could have made a pudding with the fuel instead. So in the guide of helping the poor, experts were able to explain that the fault lay with the poor and not with the law. Even after they had been repealed, the Corn Laws’ effect lingered; they had helped to undermine rural self-sufficiency, and as households ceased to be self-sufficient, they had become more subject to the whims of the marketplace. Provincial authorities had no respect and bakers and great, even inordinate respect for the free market – as “little skill and no capital are required in the trade of baking, competition will prevent inordinate profit”.
P. 64 London in 1822 the Assize of Bread and Ale was abolished as archaic … transformed baking into an even more precarious trade. Freed from the old guild structure, thousands of new bakers set up shop, and all of them tried to undercut one another. Elsa Acton noted that in 1851 the number of bakers in Paris was limited to 601, which meant that they were all sure to sell plenty of bread, whereas Britain’s free trade had pushed the official number of London bakers to 2,286 (the unofficial number may have been as high as 50,000) These bakers may have had commercial liberty but they had no peace of mind. To make a loaf they could sell at a price at which they could find buyers, they were forced to reduce the quality of ingredients to a minimum. A witness to the Committee on Journeymen Bakers commented that “They only exist now by first defrauding the public, and next getting 18 hours’ work out of the men for the next 12 hours.”

P. 86 In Maldon, in 1629, a hundred or so women and children, led by one ‘Captain’ Ann Carter, the wife of a butcher, boarded a Flemish grain ship and removed some grain in their caps and gowns. A local court lowered corn prices, and Captain Ann toured the area drumming up support among clothing workers. A further riot took place on 22 May, which was taken more seriously by the authorities, and Captain Ann was handed. The style of Captain was adopted ny a number of other activists during the 17th century: there was ‘Captain’ Dorothy Dawson, who who organised a protest at Thorpe Moor and ‘Captain’ Kate who was recorded at an election meeting in Coventry.”

P. 13 The tea the Austen family drank would almost certainly have been China tea. Tea was a Chinese monopoly. But the British were not content with being middlemen. Tea cultivation in British India and other colonies exemplifies the way in which cash-cropping fuels capitalism, and capitalism fuels empire. Tea was not grown in India until the British introduced it – because they ruled India but not China. An Andean strain of tea was discovered growing wild in Assam; it was used by local tribesmen and given to Major Robert Bruce as a drink sometime in 1823.. The tea workers laboured in appalling conditions for a pittance, and all the profits went back to England – and to Scotland, since the majority of Indian tea planters were Scots. The Indians themselves did not start drinking tea widely until the 1930s.”

P. 174 From 1889, the mass deployment of bottom trawlers led to ever-increasing catches – in that year more than twice as many bottom-feeding fish such as cod, haddock and plaice were caught in British waters as we catch today. The peak came in 1938, when the fishing fleet landed over five times more fish than we do tnow. For every hour spent fishing today in boats bristling with the latest fish-finding electronics, fishermen land just 6 per cent of what they did 120 years ago. He reason for this is the effect of fishing on fish size… when you exploit a population, the average size of the animals get smaller. Most fishing methods are size selective … fishing alters the balance between large and small, lung and old, in a population. This was always the case. In the ancient shell midden of California, were mussels were found to have decreased in size by over 40 per cent during a period of more than 9,000 years, we see the same picture.”

P. 305 “When John Betjeman wrote that “life was luncheons, luncheons all the way” – equating the midday meal with elegance and sophistication, he was making a distinction between post-war Oxford and the Victorian era that in other ways he so revered. ‘Open, swing doors, upon the lighted ‘George’\And whiff of vol-au-vent!’ Like the crisp layers of puff pastry, the Betjeman lunch was a sign of freedom, sitting lightly to life, having time to spare, and avoiding a solidly understood as old-fashioned, rural, even backward. The hourly to a life of lunches was a long and halting one, and only the top 10 per cent ever reached Betjeman’s destination.@

P. 210 “One difference between French and English cooks after the war can be exemplified by Michel Roux’s mother. When eggs were scarce, she made crepes that were mostly flour and water, it as eggs became more readily available and milk cheaper, she increased the quantity of these ingredients until the crepes were light and lace like. For this to happen, she must have retained a memory of what good crepes were like. Her English couterpartys might have struggled to do so precisely because the Depression was so very bad for the English urban poor, associated with a hunger assuaged only by potatoes and rice pudding, soaked bread and the occasional piece of cheese. .. interwar English cuisine could not survive wartime rationing as French cuisine did. It had nothing to do with the sunshine – and everything to do with class…. Betjeman … never took his Oxford degree, even after he had downgraded it from an honours degree to a pass degree. As he heads off to another lunch at the Liberal Club, women students pass him, their bicycle baskets heavy with books on Middle English. Betjeman runs away.”

P. 329 The first English cheese factory began operation in 1870. … Factory cheeses were correctly seen as inferior, but nevertheless, their low price, and the arrival of french imports from Canada and New Zealand, meant that by the mid-1920s more than 70% of the cheese consumed in England was imported – although at the same date, of the cheese consumed that was still made in England, farmhouse cheese accounted for an impressive 75%…. unfortunately the crisis of the Great Depression and then the Second World War put an end… by the late 1950s around 95% of total domestic production consisted of factory-made cheese.”

P. 384 Beef was once so foundational to national identity that it had a political face. The beefsteak clubs exemplified English conceptions of lively – male, red-blooded, jolly, given to jokes and japes. The first was founded early in the 18th-century to be a meeting place for actors and politicians. When it failed, it was replaced by the Sublime Society of Beef Steaks, established in 1735, which was to number Samuel Johnson and the Prince of Wales among its members. Members wore bright blue coats and buff waistcoats with brass buttons, sporting a gridiron motif and the words ‘Beef and liberty’. They celebrated the beefsteak as a symbol of liberty and prosperity. A ‘Rump-Steak or Liberty Club’ (also called The Patriots Club) of London was in existence in 1733-4. It was revived in 1966 and meets annually at White’s Club in St James’s, where its members are able to fine at the earlier society’s 19th-century table and where it also keeps the original ‘resident’s Chair’, which Queen Elizabeth II gave to the current society in 1966.

P. 428 By 1955 with rationing over, the English were eating four eggs a day, rising to five in 1970… consumption dropped to two by 2000.

P. 457 IT is not coincidence that tinned food arose as European empires expanded. Imperialism meant tins could be a staple of expatriate communities, and meant new markets for Western staples. Canned and powdered milk made its way to the farthest tip of south-east Asia, while in Belize, British settlers could eat what they were used to. … (Indians in London meanwhile struggled to find vegetarian fare; the young Mohammad’s K Gandhi was driven to write a guide book to vegetarian London for students like himself.) Just as the Famous Five ransacked shops for prepared food while at large in alien lands. English memsahibs patronised the Army and Navy stores in Bombay for mail-order tinned foods. From Victorian times, ‘native’ food had been seen as inadequate and even unhealthy. Adventurousness was halted by the easy familiarity of tinned foods.”

P. 459 Coloniser could also learn preservation methods – gingerly, often desperately, hungrily – from the foods of those they colonised, and one such learned food was pemmican. Pemmican is what the children in the Swallows and Amazon books call tinned corned beef….learned by European fur traders from the Native Americans who’s sold it to them. Pemmican devices from a word in the Cree Indian language, pimithkdn, or fat. To make pemmican, native Americans began by cutting meat into thin slices or strips and drying it either in the sun or over a fire. After the meat was dried, it was spread out on stone-headed implements and then pounded…. then mixed with melted fat and marrow; this was crucial to the preservation. Sometimes a paste made of fruits or berries was added… stored in folded rawhide containers called parfleches, greased along their seams to keep out air and moisture. In this way, it could be kept fresh for years. Three quarters of a point (340g) was a sufficient ration, although a hard-working traveller might well eat more.”

P. 465 The Woshipful Company of Grocers of the City of London … responsible for introducing strangeness to the British palate. Originally it was known as the Guild of Pepperer, whose earliest records date from 1180. The company was formed as a religious and social fraternity of merchants tradining in spices, fold and other luxury good from Byzantium and the Mediterranean

Notes from English Food: A People’s History

P. 42 Apoem of 1635 celebrated the longevity of Thomas Parr of Shropshire, and over one hundred, who ate nothing but “coarse marlin bread”. In Cornwall, rye was grown only on ground too infertile or white and the poor in 1602 also used barley @grown into great use of late years@ and in the dear [famine] season past…. existence of two bakers’ guilds in medieval London, the white bakers and the torte bakers…The latter are usually equated with brown bread bakers by historians, but the 1440 Bread Assize Ordinance says @the white shall bake all manner of breed that they can make of wheat”…toasted bakers were not allowed to own a sieve, but they may have been defined less by this than by the ability to bake with grains other than wheat. Rye, for example, and barley, are exacting and difficult because they lack gluten, and to this day German rye bakers are specialists and often bake nothing else.”

P. 32 “with their wheaten bread, the Romans came the first (of very many) immigrant groups to attempt, with mixed success, to reproduce a food from the parent culture… installed their preference for white wheat bread, and installed it as a status symbol. In West Yorkshire, sites with more wheat remains also had posher pottery fineware. But the problem for the Tomans, and for Roman wannabes, was that their wheat did not grow as well in the damp British Isles as it did in the North African grain basket of the Empire…. saw barley as fit only for horses, but it was still popular in some places, partly cause Roman garrisons were themselves diverse – the Catterick garrison from the Danube brought a taste for barley and barley bread with them. The South and Midlands also rejected wheat for spelt. But the heard-to-get wheaten loaf left its mark. Even long after the legions had withdrawn, golden-crusted white bread was still an object of desire .. into the Anglo-Saxon era.”

P. 33 Archaeology shows that the Anglo-Saxon bread often included ground and kneaded barley, rye, oats, buckwheat, dried beans, acorns, hazel and alder seeds, and in particularly lean times, even weed seeds and tree bark, which would have added layers of taste and nutritional value…tenderising or scenting role. The idea that impurities in bread helped health had not been unknown to the Romans, whose dieticians supported the consumption of brown bread, and they are also shown to be effective by evidence provided by skeletal remains from the time of the Domesday Boo, showing no signs of the scurvy and rickets that devilled later populations. But this might have been because porridge had ousted head … bread ovens became rarer in new houses.@

P. 46 “average male height, having risen from 165cm to 172cm between the Mesolithic and the early medieval period, fell to 171cm; Britons had become taller under Roman occupation, their average height increasing from 167-170cm. This coincided with the Roman’s improved water and sanitation systems and a more varied diet. Height decreased from 600AD and then began to climb again, increasing to 173cm in the 1100s, very close to average heights in the 20th century. Bu after 1200 men became shorter in stature … there were shortages of crop seeds as temperatures turned colder over the century, with weather becoming far more changeable until the early 1300s. Heigh decreased again after 1650, reaching just 169cm in the ate 1600s – a decline that continued until the early 1800s. Average life expectancy declined too, as infant mortality soared; people born between 1650 and 1750 could expect to live just 35 years – down from 40 years in the late 1500s.

P. 63 The failure of the Irish potato crop and the mass starvation that followed forced Sir Robert Peel and his Conservative government to reconsider the wisdom of the Corn Laws. IN January 1846 a new Corn Law was passed that reduced the duty on oats, barley and wheat to the insidnificant sum of one shilling per quarter. Aware of the recent crisis, the food advice experts stepped up to the plate. Unfamiliar grains and pulses were imported, and recipes for rice bread circulated, while ladies wondered why the cook couldn’t make a decent loaf from rice … all parochial relief after 1799 was to be via rice, potatoes and soup. Rice was cheap, still cheaper from India via the East India Company than from the recently independent American Carolina’s. Rice, said nutritionists prompted (as they so often are) by the food industry, was just as good as bread  … the poor were advised o mix ‘a little morsel of Cheshire chees’ with rice to ‘greatly improve the flavour”. Rice could be cooked over a very low fire, the experts said, during the working day, but the Manchester cotton workers were unconvinced. The experts felt that drinking too much tea made them demand bread and butter, a convenience food for the idle. Bread, it was opined, was a lazy substitute for cooking, and since the poor could boil a kettle for tea they could have made a pudding with the fuel instead. Do in the guide of helping the poor, experts were able to explain that the fault lay with the poor and not with the law. Even after they had been repealed, the Corn Laws’ effect lingered; they had helped to undermine rural self-sufficiency, and as households ceased to be self-sufficient, they had become more subject to the whims of the marketplace. Provincial authorities had no respect and bakers and great, even inordinate respect for the free market – as @little skill and no capital are required in the trade of baking, competition will prevent inordinate profit@”.
P. 64 London in 1822 the Assize of Bread and Ale was abolished as archaic … transform baking into an even more precarious trade. Freed from the old yield structure, thousands of new bakers set up shop, and all of them tried to undercut one another. Elsa Acton noted that in 1851 the number of bakers in Paris was limited to 601, which meant that they were all sure to sell plenty of bread, whereas Britain’s free trade had pushed the official number of London bakers to 2,286 (the unofficial number may have been as high as 50,000) These bakers may have had commercial liberty but they had no peace of mind. To make a loaf they could sell at a price at which they could find buyers, they were forced to reduce the quality of ingredients to a minimum. A witness to the Committee on Journeymen Bakers commented that @They only exist now by first defrauding the public, and next getting 18 hours’ work out of the men for the next 12 hours.”

P. 86 IN Maldon, in 1629, a hundred or so women and children, led by one ‘Captain’ Ann Carter, the wife of a butcher, boarded a Flemish grain ship and removed some grain in their caps and gowns. A local court lowered corn prices, and Captain Ann toured the area drumming up support among clothing workers. A further riot took place on 22 May, which was taken more seriously by the authorities, and Captain Ann was handed. The style of Captain was adopted ny a number of other activists during the 17th century: there was Captain Dorothy Dawson, who who organised a protest at Thorpe Moor and ‘Captain’ Kate who was recorded at an election meeting in Coventry.”

P. 13 The tea the Austen family drank would almost certainly have been China tea. Tea was a Chinese monopoly. But the British were not content with being middlemen. Tea cultivation in British India and other colonies exemplifies the way in which cash-cropping fuels capitalism, and capitalism fuels empire. Tea was not grown in India until the British introduced it – because they ruled India but not China. An Andean strain of tea was discovered growing wild in Assam; it was used by local tribesmen and given to Major Robert Bruce as a drink sometime in 1823.. The tea workers laboured in appalling conditions for a pittance, and all the profits went back to England – and to Scotland, since the majority of Indian tea planters were Scots. The Indians themselves did not start drinking tea widely until the 1930s.”

P. 174 From 1889, the mass deployment of bottom trawlers led to ever-increasing catches – in that year more than twice as many bottom-feeding fish such as cod, haddock and plaice were caught in British waters as we catch today. The peak came in 1938, when the fishing fleet landed over five times more fish than we do tnow. For every hour spent fishing today in boats bristling with the latest fish-finding electronics, fishermen land just 6 per cent of what they did 120 years ago. He reason for this is the effect of fishing on fish size… when you exploit a population, the average size of the animals get smaller. Most fishing methods are size selective … fishing alters the balance between large and small, lung and old, in a population. This was always the case. In the ancient shell midden of California, were mussels were found to have decreased in size by over 40 per cent during a period of more than 9,000 years, we see the same picture.”

P. 305 “When John Betjeman wrote that “life was luncheons, luncheons all the way” – equating the midday meal with elegance and sophistication, he was making a distinction between post-war Oxford and the Victorian era that in other ways he so revered. ‘Open, swing doors, upon the lighted ‘George’\And whiff of col-au-vent!’ Like the crisp layers of puff pastry, the Betjeman lunch was a sign of freedom, sitting lightly to life, having time to spare, and avoiding a solidly understood as old-fashioned, rural, even backward. The hourly to a life of lunches was a long and halting one, and only the top 10 per cent ever reached Betjeman’s destination.@

P. 210 “One difference between french and English cooks after the war can be exemplified by Michel Roux’s mother. When eggs were scarce, she made crepes that were mostly flour and water, it as eggs became more readily available and milk cheaper, she increased the quantity of these ingredients until the crepes were light and lace like. For this to happen, she must have retained a memory of what good crepes were like. Her English couterpartys might have struggled to do so precisely because the Depression was so very bad for the English urban poor, associated with a hunger assuaged only by potatoes and rice pudding, soaked bread and the occasional piece of cheese. .. interwar English cuisine could not survive wartime rationing as French cuisine did. It had nothing to do with the sunshine – and everything to do with class…. Betjeman … never took his Oxford degree, even after he had downgraded it from an honours degree to a pass degree. As he heads off to another lunch at the Liberal Club, women students pass him, their bicycle baskets heavy with books on Middle English. Betjeman runs away.”

P. 329 The first English cheese factory began operation in 1870. … Factory cheese were correctly seen as inferior, but nevertheless, their low price, and the arrival of french imports from Canada and New Zealand, meant that by the mid-1920s more than 70% of the cheese consumed in England was imported – although at the same date, of the cheese consumed that was still made in England, farmhouse cheese accounted for an impressive 75%…. unfortunately the crisis of the Great Depression and then the Second World War put an end… by the late 1950s around 95% of total domestic production consisted of factory-made cheese.”

P. 384 Beef was once so foundational to national identit that it had a political face. The beefsteak clubs exemplified English conceptions of lively – male, red-blooded, jolly, given to jokes and japes. The first was founded early in the 18th-century to be a meeting place for actors and politicians. When it failed, it was replaced by the Sublime Society of Beef Steaks, established in 1735, which was to number Samuel Johnson and the Prince of Wales among its members. Members wore bright blue coats and buff waistcoats with brass buttons, sporting a gridiron motif and the words ‘Beef and liberty’. They celebrated the beefsteak as a symbol of liberty and prosperity. A ‘Rump-Steak or Liberty Club’ (also called The Patriots Club) of London was in existence in 1733-4. It was revived in 1966 and meets annually at White’s Club in St James’s, where its members are able to fine at the earlier society’s 19thcentury stable and where it also keeps the original ‘resident’s Chair’, high Queen Elizabeth II gave o the current society in 1966.

P. 428 By 1955 with rationing over, the English were eating four eggs a day, rising to five in 1970… consumption dropped to two by 2000.

P. 457 IT is not coincidence that tinned for arose as European empires expanded. Imperialism meant tins could be a staple of expatriate communities, and meant new markets for Western staples. Canned and powdered milk made its way to the farthest tip of south-east Asia, while in Belize, British settlers could eat what they were used to. … (Indians in London meanwhile struggled to find vegetarian fare; the young Mohammad’s K Gandhi was driven to write a guide book to vegetarian London for students like himself.) Just as the Famous Five ransacked shops for prepared food while at large in alien lands. English memsahibs patronised the Army and Navy stores in Bombay for mail-order tinned foods. From Victorian times, ‘native’ food had been seen as inadequate and even unhealthy. Adventurousness was halted by the easy familiarity of tinned foods.”

P. 459 Coloniser could also learn preservation methods – gingerly, often desperately, hungrily – from the foods of those they colonised, and one such learned food was pemmican. Pemmican is what the children in the Swallows and Amazon books call tinned corned beef….learned by European fur traders from the Native Americans who’s sold it to them. Pemmican devices from a word in the Cree Indian language, pimithkdn, or fat. To make pemmican, native Americans began by cutting meat into thin slices or strips and drying it either in the sun or over a fire. After the meat was dried, it was spread out on stone-headed implements and then pounded…. then mixed with melted fat and marrow; this was crucial to the preservation. Sometimes a paste made of fruits or berries was added… stored in folded rawhide containers called parfleches, greased along their seams to keep out air and moisture. In this way, it could be kept fresh for years. Three quarters of a point (340g) was a sufficient ration, although a hard-workingtrveller might well eat more.”

P. 465 The Woshipful Company of Grocers of the City of London … responsible for introducing strangeness to the British palate. Originally it was known as the Guild of Pepperer, whose earliest records date from 1180. The company was formed as a religious and social fraternity of merchants tradining in spices, fold and other luxury good from Byzantium and the Mediterranean

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Notes from Cleopatra’s Daughter And Other Royal Women of the Augustan Era

p. ix Emphasis is on Cleopatra Selene of Mauretania, Glahpyra of Cappadocia, Salome of Judea, Dynamis of Bosporus and Pythodoris of Pontos. They were contemporaries, related through marriage to one another, and were closely allied with the imperial family in Rome and its own women, such as Livia and the younger Antonia, who themselves took on many of the characteristics of Hellenistic queens. The most famous was Cleopatra Selene, the daughter of Cleopatra VII and the triumvir Marcus Antonius, but the others were also of great importance in their own territories. .. In modern diction they are called “queens” (with the exception of Salome), an inadequate translation of the Greek words basileia and basillissa. Their role models went back to the heroic age as well as various prototypes from the late Classical and Hellensitic periods, and the concept of ‘queen’ had developed an important royal dynamic int he generations before … The women could offer greater political stability and status than their husbands, who might be subject to sudden death while on campaign, and their closeness to the imperial family provided precedents for the role of Roman aristocratic women. Cleopatra Selene was a cousion of members of the ruling Julio-Claudian family and was thus related to three Roman emperors. Others had personal contact with the imperial elite in Rome. Cleopatra Selen and Pythodoris were patronesses of intellectual culture and implemented the work of major scholars. And the descendants of the queens held royal power on the borders of the Roman Empire for generations afterwards.

p. 143 “it was Octavia who noused the queen’s children after their mother’s death; Cleopatra may have nad some hint that this could happen, or even suggested it to Octavian, knowing that Octavia had taken in another royal refugee, Juba, for a number of years. Cleopatra Selene lived in Rome for only five years, but she did so from the ahe of 10 to 15, certaimly a seminal period in any young person’s development. In 25bc Octavia implemented the marriage of the two royal refugees and they were sent to Mauretania. With Greek, Roman and probably Egyptian blood, the young princess found that yher years in Rome well prepared her for her new role as queen.”

p. 99 “The most important royal woman of the later Augustan era was Pythodoris, who, for more than half a century, ruled much of central and northern Asia Minor and the eastern Black Sea littoral. She survived well into the period of Tiberius and became the ancestor of a line of royal women that extended past the middle of the 1sy century AD. Like all women in antiquity, she remains shadowy, but due to the euologistic comments of the geographer and historian Strabo of Amaseia, her career is better documented than that of many of her ruling colleagues.

Books Feminism History Politics Women's history

Notes from Leftist Internationalisms: A Transational Political History

p. 16  the 1960s were also a crucial moment for what Francisco Dahan labels as the ‘global left-feminist movement’ whose contribution to the international codification of women’s rights is only starting to be explored. if the transnational nature and internationally engagement of early 20th century feminism are widely recognized, recent research is increasingly focusing on transnational networks that epitomised ‘forms of feminism that did not adhere to the frameworks of the West and global North’ originating both in the Socialist countries and in the Global South, especially in Latin America. Works dealing with the role played by feminist organizations from the Eastern block during the Cold War also show the global influence they had in the Promotion of a feminist agenda in international organisations, primarily the UN, whilst highlighting the consolidation of strong bilateral connections between communist and non-aligned Southern countries through this channel.

p. 98 in Australia, the Labour Party, headed by Bob Hawke, initiated financial deregulation and a floating national currency, prompting the economists Elizabeth Humphries and Daniel Cahill to emphasize its ‘active role in constructing neoliberalism in the country’. at the same time, the New Zealand Labour Party, which also came to power in 1983, ‘ushered in a period of radical deregulation known as Rogernomics – named for treasury minister Roger Douglas. These moves have led numerous scholars to conclude that socialism had entered an era of widespread neoliberal influence, particularly in Western Europe. in his authoritative test on the long-term history of the Left, Geoff Eley argued that Mitterand’s France and Gonzalez’s Spain rivaled the neoliberal economics off Thatchers Britain after 1982.

P 110 Exloring the socioeconomic landscape of the 1980s through the lens of supranational socialist organisation offers new insight into the relationship between democratic socialism and capitalism. Although socialist leaders had become increasingly reliant on economic experts who praised the virtues of austerity and supply-side policies, the genesis of Global Challenge confirms that there was also an ‘epistemically community’ that continued to believe in the prospect of a new international economic order based on ‘global Keynesian’ policies.

The story is unquestionably a tal of defeat, however. Coupled with the tense international political climate of the time, the SI’s structural weaknesses contributed to its inability to bring about meaningful change in the early 1980s. Most critically, the SI ailed to establish relationships with the leading politicians and experts of its members parties, most of whom were unwilling to engage in an ideological debate to begin with. The disconnect between these two circles helps explain why their economic philosophies took such divergent paths = @global neo=Keynesian relaunch” for the former and “austerity with a human fac” for the latter. .. the case of Michael Manley, whose abrupt conversion sowed profound disillusionment among socialists about the capacity of public institutions to offset the detrimental effects of ‘capitalism unleashed’. After his re=election as prime minister in 1989, the leader of the PNP promptly abandoned his former ideological convictions and began promoting a pro-market approach to the economy…. In an interview with a journalist from Le Monde, he openly admitted that the time for a mixed economy was over and that his vision for the economic development of Jamaica would henceforth rely on private enterprise and using the country’s modest resources to create a pro-business environment.@

P. 174 “The Wellesley conference – despite, or perhaps cause of, all the friction it generated – had important legacies for transnational feminism… ‘a painful clash between well-meaning American academicians who believed themselves to be ahead of American men, and free from colonial and imperialist limitations on one hand, and, on the other hand, overly optimistic third=world women who had believed that the impossible dialogue between developed,developing people could be restored by women, between women and for women,’ One of the immediate results of this conflict was the determination of many South-based intellectuals to claim control over knowledge production about their own societies…. The following year, this group founded AAWORD (Association of African Women for Research and Development.@ For organisations such as AAWORD, the United Nations and other institutions of liberal internationalism provided the structure, legitimacy and occasionally funding that supported networks of activist intellectuals offering a critical assessment of capitalist modernisation and emergency neoliberalism. The UN Decade for Women brought an explosion of civil society organisations and networks… Development Alternatives for Women for a New Era (DAWN) consisted principally of activist intellectuals who ran in policy making circles” and Encuentros Feministas Latinoamericanos y del Caribe. “brought together academic feminists with burn-it-down activists and free-thinking creatives”.

P. 177 “All three networks advocated for a political economy orientated towards social, cultural and ecological wellbeing and sustainability rather than developmentalist emphasis on growth, productivity and efficiency. These were, of course, longstanding priorities of women’s movements, dating back more than a century, but the UN Decade of Women spotlighted the gendered critiques of late 20th-century development schemes, which were predicated upon the Fordist imagery of a male headed, heteronormative, nuclear family, as the Danish economist Ester Boserup famously drew attention to the inappropriateness of this model.”

P. 181 “AAWORD members underscored that the pressure to shift agricultural land to commodities production and higher yield processes had fostered food insecurity and desertification – both problems that contributed substantially to women’s labour problems. … The report from their 1982 meeting in Dakar … “This present world crisis is the result of a process of Mail development originating from a growth model geared to the use of resources for private profit and power. This kind of development fails to satisfy the material and spiritual needs of the majority of the world‘s people and it penetrates all political and economic systems”

P. The authors of this critique – Nawal El-Sadawi, Fatima Mernissi and Mallorca Vajrathorn – all worked within the UN during this period… with other prominent network leaders such as Devaki Jain, Marie-Angelique Savane and Peggy Antrobus and renowned intellectuals such as Simone de Beauvoir, all contributed to the noted (and in some circles notorious) 1984 volume Sisterhood is Global.

Leftist Internationalisms: A Transational POlitical History

p. 16  the 1960s were also a crucial moment for what Francisco dahan labels as the ‘global left-feminist movement’ whose contribution to the international codification of women’s rights is only starting to be explored. if the transnational nature and internationally engagement of early 20th century feminism are widely recognized, recent research is increasingly focusing on transnational networks that epitomised ‘forms of feminism that did not adhere to the frameworks of the West and global North’ originating both in the Socialist countries and in the Global South, especially in Latin America. Works dealing with the role played by feminist organizations from the Eastern block during the Cold War also show the global influence they had in the Promotion of a feminist agenda in international organisations, primarily the UN, whilst highlighting the consolidation of strong bilateral connections between communist and non-aligned Southern countries through this channel.

p. 98 in Australia, the Labour Party, headed by Bob Hawke, initiated financial deregulation and a floating national currency, prompting the economists Elizabeth Humphries and Daniel Cahill to emphasize its ‘active role in constructing neoliberalism in the country’. at the same time, the New Zealand Labour Party, which also came to power in 1983, ‘ushered in a period of radical deregulation known as Rogernomics – named for treasury minister Roger Douglas. These moves have led numerous scholars to conclude that socialism had entered an era of widespread neoliberal influence, particularly in Western Europe. in his authoritative test on the long-term history of the Left, Geoff Eley argued that Mitterand’s France and Gonzalez’s Spain rivaled the neoliberal economics off Thatchers Britain after 1982.

P 110 Exloring the socioeconomic landscape of the 1980s through the lens of supranational socialist organisation offers new insight into the relationship between democratic socialism and capitalism. Although socialist leaders had become increasingly reliant on economic experts who praised the virtues of austerity and supply-side policies, the genesis of Global Challenge confirms that there was also an ‘epistemically community’ that continued to believe in the prospect of a new international economic order based on ‘global Keynesian’ policies.

The story is unquestionably a tal of defeat, however. Coupled with the tense international political climate of the time, the SI’s structural weaknesses contributed to its inability to bring about meaningful change in the early 1980s. Most critically, the SI ailed to establish relationships with the leading politicians and experts of its members parties, most of whom were unwilling to engage in an ideological debate to begin with. The disconnect between these two circles helps explain why their economic philosophies took such divergent paths = @global neo=Keynesian relaunch” for the former and “austerity with a human fac” for the latter. .. the case of Michael Manley, whose abrupt conversion sowed profound disillusionment among socialists about the capacity of public institutions to offset the detrimental effects of ‘capitalism unleashed’. After his re=election as prime minister in 1989, the leader of the PNP promptly abandoned his former ideological convictions and began promoting a pro-market approach to the economy…. In an interview with a journalist from Le Monde, he openly admitted that the time for a mixed economy was over and that his vision for the economic development of Jamaica would henceforth rely on private enterprise and using the country’s modest resources to create a pro-business environment.@

P. 174 “The Wellesley conference – despite, or perhaps cause of, all the friction it generated – had important legacies for transnational feminism… ‘a painful clash between well-meaning American academicians who believed themselves to be ahead of American men, and free from colonial and imperialist limitations on one hand, and, on the other hand, overly optimistic third=world women who had believed that the impossible dialogue between developed,developing people could be restored by women, between women and for women,’ One of the immediate results of this conflict was the determination of many South-based intellectuals to claim control over knowledge production about their own societies…. The following year, this group founded AAWORD (Association of African Women for Research and Development.@ For organisations such as AAWORD, the United Nations and other institutions of liberal internationalism provided the structure, legitimacy and occasionally funding that supported networks of activist intellectuals offering a critical assessment of capitalist modernisation and emergency neoliberalism. The UN Decade for Women brought an explosion of civil society organisations and networks… Development Alternatives for Women for a New Era (DAWN) @ consisted principally of activist intellectuals who ran in policy making circles” and Encuentros Feministas Latinoamericanos y del Caribe. “brought together academic feminists with burn-it-down activists and free-thinking creatives”.

P. 177 “All three networks advocated for a political economy orientated towards social, cultural and ecological wellbeing and sustainability rather than developmentalist emphasis on growth, productivity and efficiency. These were, of course, longstanding priorities of women’s movements, dating back more than a century, but the UN Decade of Women spotlighted the gendered critiques of late 20th-century development schemes, which were predicated upon the Fordist imagery of a male headed, heteronormative, nuclear family, as the Danish economist Ester Boserup famously drew attention to the inappropriateness of this model.”

P. 181 “AAWORD members underscored that the pressure to shift agricultural land to commodities production and higher yield processes had fostered food insecurity and desertification – both problems that contributed substantially to women’s labour problems. … The report from their 1982 meeting in Dakar … “This present world crisis is the result of a process of Mail development originating from a growth model geared to the use of resources for private profit and power. This kind of development fails to satisfy the material and spiritual needs of the majority of the world‘s people and it penetrates all political and economic systems”

P. The authors of this critique – Nawal El-Sadawi, Fatima Mernissi and Mallorca Vajrathorn – all worked within the UN during this period… with other prominent network leaders such as Devaki Jain, Marie-Angelique Savane and Peggy Antrobus and renowned intellectuals such as Simone de Beauvoir, all contributed to the noted (and in some circles notorious) 1984 volume Sisterhood is Global.

Leftist Internationalisms: A Transational Political History

p. 16  the 1960s were also a crucial moment for what Francisco dahan labels as the ‘global left-feminist movement’ whose contribution to the international codification of women’s rights is only starting to be explored. if the transnational nature and internationally engagement of early 20th century feminism are widely recognized, recent research is increasingly focusing on transnational networks that epitomised ‘forms of feminism that did not adhere to the frameworks of the West and global North’ originating both in the Socialist countries and in the Global South, especially in Latin America. Works dealing with the role played by feminist organizations from the Eastern block during the Cold War also show the global influence they had in the Promotion of a feminist agenda in international organisations, primarily the UN, whilst highlighting the consolidation of strong bilateral connections between communist and non-aligned Southern countries through this channel.

p. 98 in Australia, the Labour Party, headed by Bob Hawke, initiated financial deregulation and a floating national currency, prompting the economists Elizabeth Humphries and Daniel Cahill to emphasize its ‘active role in constructing neoliberalism in the country’. at the same time, the New Zealand Labour Party, which also came to power in 1983, ‘ushered in a period of radical deregulation known as Rogernomics – named for treasury minister Roger Douglas. These moves have led numerous scholars to conclude that socialism had entered an era of widespread neoliberal influence, particularly in Western Europe. in his authoritative test on the long-term history of the Left, Geoff Eley argued that Mitterand’s France and Gonzalez’s Spain rivaled the neoliberal economics off Thatchers Britain after 1982.

P 110 Exloring the socioeconomic landscape of the 1980s through the lens of supranational socialist organisation offers new insight into the relationship between democratic socialism and capitalism. Although socialist leaders had become increasingly reliant on economic experts who praised the virtues of austerity and supply-side policies, the genesis of Global Challenge confirms that there was also an ‘epistemically community’ that continued to believe in the prospect of a new international economic order based on ‘global Keynesian’ policies.

The story is unquestionably a tal of defeat, however. Coupled with the tense international political climate of the time, the SI’s structural weaknesses contributed to its inability to bring about meaningful change in the early 1980s. Most critically, the SI ailed to establish relationships with the leading politicians and experts of its members parties, most of whom were unwilling to engage in an ideological debate to begin with. The disconnect between these two circles helps explain why their economic philosophies took such divergent paths = @global neo=Keynesian relaunch” for the former and “austerity with a human fac” for the latter. .. the case of Michael Manley, whose abrupt conversion sowed profound disillusionment among socialists about the capacity of public institutions to offset the detrimental effects of ‘capitalism unleashed’. After his re=election as prime minister in 1989, the leader of the PNP promptly abandoned his former ideological convictions and began promoting a pro-market approach to the economy…. In an interview with a journalist from Le Monde, he openly admitted that the time for a mixed economy was over and that his vision for the economic development of Jamaica would henceforth rely on private enterprise and using the country’s modest resources to create a pro-business environment.@

P. 174 “The Wellesley conference – despite, or perhaps cause of, all the friction it generated – had important legacies for transnational feminism… ‘a painful clash between well-meaning American academicians who believed themselves to be ahead of American men, and free from colonial and imperialist limitations on one hand, and, on the other hand, overly optimistic third=world women who had believed that the impossible dialogue between developed,developing people could be restored by women, between women and for women,’ One of the immediate results of this conflict was the determination of many South-based intellectuals to claim control over knowledge production about their own societies…. The following year, this group founded AAWORD (Association of African Women for Research and Development.@ For organisations such as AAWORD, the United Nations and other institutions of liberal internationalism provided the structure, legitimacy and occasionally funding that supported networks of activist intellectuals offering a critical assessment of capitalist modernisation and emergency neoliberalism. The UN Decade for Women brought an explosion of civil society organisations and networks… Development Alternatives for Women for a New Era (DAWN) @ consisted principally of activist intellectuals who ran in policy making circles” and Encuentros Feministas Latinoamericanos y del Caribe. “brought together academic feminists with burn-it-down activists and free-thinking creatives”.

P. 177 “All three networks advocated for a political economy orientated towards social, cultural and ecological wellbeing and sustainability rather than developmentalist emphasis on growth, productivity and efficiency. These were, of course, longstanding priorities of women’s movements, dating back more than a century, but the UN Decade of Women spotlighted the gendered critiques of late 20th-century development schemes, which were predicated upon the Fordist imagery of a male headed, heteronormative, nuclear family, as the Danish economist Ester Boserup famously drew attention to the inappropriateness of this model.”

P. 181 “AAWORD members underscored that the pressure to shift agricultural land to commodities production and higher yield processes had fostered food insecurity and desertification – both problems that contributed substantially to women’s labour problems. … The report from their 1982 meeting in Dakar … “This present world crisis is the result of a process of Mail development originating from a growth model geared to the use of resources for private profit and power. This kind of development fails to satisfy the material and spiritual needs of the majority of the world‘s people and it penetrates all political and economic systems”

P. The authors of this critique – Nawal El-Sadawi, Fatima Mernissi and Mallorca Vajrathorn – all worked within the UN during this period… with other prominent network leaders such as Devaki Jain, Marie-Angelique Savane and Peggy Antrobus and renowned intellectuals such as Simone de Beauvoir, all contributed to the noted (and in some circles notorious) 1984 volume Sisterhood is Global.

Books History Women's history

Notes from Sappho: A New Translation of the Complete Works (2023)

p. 5-6 The first explicit statements about Sappho’s involvement in female homoeroticism date from the Hellenistic and Roman period… written four centuries or more after Sappho. Earlier testimonia portray Sappho as interested in men; in Attic comedies dating from the 4th century BCE, she is imagined to have had several male lovers at the same time. The earliest literary document that may reflect the reception of Sappho’s songs is a song by the Greek poet Anakreon. In this song, dating to the second half of the 6th century BCE, a male speaker complains that a girl from Lesbos, whom he desires, pays him no attention because of his white hair (a feminine noun in Greek) and instead gapes at another woman or another feminine object… the whole point of the song is that this is left ambiguous… How precisely the meaning of this verb or Anakreon’s girl of Lesbos relates to Sappho’s poetry is not clear, but they most likely reflect the reception of her poetry, which was very popular in this period. The Greeks at this time imagined Sappho to be hypersexual and equally interested in men and woman. … four Athenian vase paintings, although older than our written accounts, are also only indirect witnesses to Sappho. They date from the end of the 6th to the first hald of the 5th century BCE and associate Sappho with drinking parties (so-called symposia) or picture her in the private quarters of women, in which her poetry was apparently performed in classical Athens. We do not know how these performances relate to the original performance of her songs, let alone whether these portraits of Sappho resemble her real appearance in any way.”

p. 7 “Greek scholars from Alexandria edited around nine “books” (papyrus scrolls actually) with poetry of Sappho in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE… roughly 10,000 lines, of which only 650 survive. … the Suda ascribes the invention of the plectrum (string pick) to her. Sappho was indeed known not only as a poet but also as a musician. Like other lyric poets in this period, she performed her poetry to music or had other perform it for her… Of the melodies accompanying these songs nothing has survived.”

p. 15 “This may explain the mention of ‘pupils’ in the Suda and other sources; they are anachronistic references to the young women she trained in her choruses.”

“Another question is whether we can reconcile Sappho’s choral activities with the erotic relationships she sings about. Some scholars have suggested that Sappho had a homoerotic relationship with one girl in the chorus, which somehow would be the model for the whole group… They point to groups of boys that formed around one aristocratic boy and his adult lover on acnient Crete as a possible parallel. Another possibility is that the homoerotic feelings Sappho and the other female performers of her songs sing about do not reflect actual relationships, but are intended to be forms of public praise or statements about the general power of love.”

Four modern reconstructions of Sappho dominate the lierature about her: Sappho the chorus organiser, Sappho the teacher, Sappho the priestes, and Sappho the banqueter. Of these four the suggestion that she led young women’s choruses is the most plausible”

p. 17 However one would like to reconstruct Sappho’s life, above all she is a poet and the earliest Greek woman of whom at leasta substantial body of poetry is preserved. Other women poets date mainly from the Hellenistic period, and much less of their work has survived.”

p. 59 “My skin was [delicate] before, but now old age
[claims it]; my hair turned from black [to white].

My spirit has grown heavy; knees buckle
that once would dance light as fawns

I often groan, but what can I do?
It is impoosible for humans not to age

For they say, [pierced] by love rosy-armed Dawn
went to the ends of the earth holding Tithonos,

beautiful and young, but in time gray old age
seized him, even with a deathless wife…..

Yet I love the finer things. [Know] that passion for
the light of life has also granted me brilliance and beauty.”

p 88 The sweetest apple reddens on a high branch
high upon highest, missed by the applepickers:

No, they didn’t miss, so much as couldn’t touch.

Herdsmen cruh under their feet
a hyacinth in the mountains; on the ground
purple blooms…