Category Archives: Early modern history

Books Early modern history History

Notes from Frozen Desire: An Inquiry into the Meaning of Money

p. 55 “In 1237, the bankrupt Latin government of Constantinople mortgaged Christ’s crown of thorns to a syndicate of Venetian and Genoese merchants for a loan of 13,134 bezants, or iperiperi (coins of African gold)… The relic was despatched to Venice but was redeemed by that pious monarch Louis IX of France. On August 18, 1239, it was borne in triump through the streets of Paris, the King himself leading the procession , barefoot and in his shirt. To house the crown and other relics, St Louis built to famous chapel in Paris known as the Sainte-Chapelle at a cost of 20,000 marks.”

p. 58 End of feudalism “For Georg Simmel, the greatest German philosopher of money, writing in about 1900, that was the magic moment of human emancipation… “The lord of the manor who can demand a quantity of beer or poultry or honey thereby determines the activity of the latter in a certain direction. But the moment he imposes a merely amoney levy the peasant is free, in so far as he can decide whether to keep bees or cattle of anything else.”… Yet even within the world of money, the tenant is still liable to his lord if he fails in his money payments. Final liberation comes, Simmel believed, when all the payments in a foreseeable future are rolled into one payment, a process known as capitalisation… Those who cannot free themselves lose even the thgreadbare protection of feudal reciprocity. Eventually, in England for example, they may be evicted from the common land by a provcess known as enclosure.”

p. 127 The word millionaire, which is French, was invented in the open air in a little street near what’s now the Centre Beauborg in Paris known as the Rue Quincampoix or Quincenpoix in the autumn of 1719. That it was not admitted by the Academie Francaise until 1762 merely shows the caution of that body. It is the legacy to the language of the world of a moment when the world turned and of the master and instigator of that manouevre, M. Quincampoix himself, the Schotsman John Law of Lauriston.”

p. 131 “”In the memoires of the Duc de Saint-Simon we can see Law flattering the vain old thing much more clearly than Saint-Simon himself. Law finally captures the duke by financing the purchase for the French regalia of an Indian diamond “the size of a greengage” then being hawked around Europe at a price of two million livres. (It is now in the Louvre.” With the collapse of the System in May 1720 and the death of the Regent three years later, the rentiers that Law despised were restored. French finance fell into the hands of his business rivals and his reputation into those of Montesquieu and Voltaire, who disapproved of him. Law’s ideas languished until thtey were revived in the asignats and the mandats of the National Assembly; the enthusiasm of 1790 produced an excellent edition of Law’s writings… but the hyperinflation of the assignats had its reaction in Bonaparte, whose mind was closed to credit and, with his sanguinary conquests and pictereqsque titles was everything Law was not; he sold Louisiana to the Americanms for four cents an acre; an oceanic discount to the future earnings of the Mississippi basin.”

p. 138 At some point, he gains a partner, a certain Lady Catherine Knollys, who left her gusband for him. Of her surivivng portraits, that in Het groote Tafereek sgiws a cery handsome woman in a tricorn gat captioned with a corase riddle … “Je suis ni epouse, ni veuve,,, She bore Law two children, but they never married, even after her husband died: when the scandal became public at the fall of the System, the Refent cancelled the annuities Law had bought for her and the children and left her destitute.”

p. 164 “The English and French literature of the 19th century gives an impression of stability, even smugness, in the social order. In 1888, Kipling wrote in “The Education of Otis Yeere” “All good people know that a woman is the only infallible thing in the world, except Government Paper of the ’79 issue, bearing interest at four and a half percent.”  .. confidence in money, in the form of British Consols, reached its peak in 1896. Two years later, the West Shore Railroad in Chicago issued 4 per cent bonds maturing in AD 2361: in other words, the bond buyers assumed money had been made eternal. At which point, it fell to bits.”

p. 173 In 1906 my grandfather, though still a young man, gave his siste Anna an allowance of £100 a year. It had an effect he hadn’t foreseen. The next year, Anna went to India, wrote a novel and supported herself and several other people from her royalties for the rest of her life.”

p. 176 – the invisible hand – In Defore’s Moll Flanders, printed in 1722, it is aeupemism for for ill-luck or retribution “an almost invisible Hand that blasted all my Happiness. In Smith’s first use of t he phrase, in his juvenile History of Astronomy, it is the supernatural agency to which primitive people attribute irregular or alarming natural phenomena. By 1759, when Smith published The Theory of Moral Sentiments, that malign and unpredictable force has become the good god of the Stoics, who has arranged the universe fo that all events, even the most alarming, work towards the prosperity and perfection of the whole … Fourteen years later, in The Wealth of Nations, Smith’s wonderful machine is promoting GDP… How soothing to ruthless minds and bad commercial consciences… converted the self-serving business slogans of the 17th-century City into a creed.

p. 178 “In the two centuries after Smith, more mental effort was wasted on objectifying his system of belief than on any other in history, not excluding the immortality of the soul and the rentability of civilian nuclear power.”

p. 180 Such is the prestige of mathematics, and the charm of talk about money, that the economists have imposed their arithmetic on the world. Though, in their own existences, most people recognise that money and happiness or not co-terminous: yet they will accept whatever money quantities are fashionable with the economists – national product, balance of payments, consumer price indices or wahetever – as measures of national welfare; and because those sums, being sums, have a technically rational sound about them, people forget there are other goals of national, as there are of individual, aspiration. That the economists can’t measure any of their quantities even to their own satisfaction, can explain neither prices not the rate of interest and cannot even agree what money is, reminds us that we deal here with belieg not science.”

P. 278 “Money, far from being the harmless arena of human emulation as its apologists hold, is a great destroyer. Because money is eminent desire, there is no satisfaction in the external world unless it is conveyed in money, until the world is possessed in monetary garb … Columbus sucked a thousand years of gold from the Caribbean in two or three, and then extinguished all of its human life. The Conquest he not so much inaugurated as carried to the New World now ranges all over the globe, including its polar regions. Woods are paved, mountains mined, seas eaten, species annihilated. All the large land and sea animals of the weather and most of its birds, are under sentence of extinctions. They are being killed not by the rifle, but by a more lethal invention, money.”

Books Early modern history History Politics

Notes from Empires of the Weak: The Real Story of European Expansion and the Creation of the New World Order

P.11 MacDonald summarizes the dominant state of thinking in the discipline on why Europe conquered much of the rest of the world by exactly replicating the military revolution argument: “European warfare underwent a profound transformation beginning in the 16th century. On land, the spread of gunpowder-based weapons, as well as specialised fortifications designed to resist these arms, transformed the nature of combat. European armies were increasingly compelled to raise large standing armies, which were dominated by highly-trained and well-drilled infantry. Although driven by competition between European states, the unintended consqeuence of this ‘military revolution’ was to widen the gap in military power between Europe and the rest of the world.”

P. 20 “this process of discerning ‘what worked’ is by no means as easy as it sounds. Victory and loss in war are a result of complex and varying combinations of factors, many of the most important of which, like leadership and morale, are intangible. A study of contemporary military effectiveness  stresses indirect and hard to change factors like the international environment, political culture and social structure.”

P. 22 “In order for selection mechanisms to create a population of homogenous effective organisations … the ‘death rate’ amongst organisations has to be very high, the differences in effectiveness have to be large and consistent, and the environment has to stay fairly constant,,, these differences are difficult to meet in the context of military competition.”

P. 34 The way Westerners fought in the wider world in the early modern period was almost entirely different from the way they fought wars in Europe was almost entirely different from the way they fought wars in Europe with respect to nearly every one of the criteria that define the military revolution thesis. .. Rather than armies of 10s of thousands, the forces in Europe more commonly numbered only in the hundreds, While cannon-armed sailing ships were superior to anything other powers could put on the open ocean, they did not fundamentally change the balance of power.”

P. 36 Unless they enjoyed a major epidemiological advantage, Europeans were unable to defeat even middling non-Western powers in the period 1500-1750, and generally maintained their predominately nabal mercantile empires in the East under the sufferance of the Asian and African rulers o f the day. In the rare instance where Westerners sought to challenge this arrangement, they generally lost.”

P. 37 In Asia, great power armies that dwarfed their European counterparts hsd either already anticipated key elements of the military revolution centuries before Euopre, or had come up with alternatives.

P. 61 One of the few instances of the Portugese trying to conquer territory in Asia was their campaign against the rajah of Kandy in Ceylon. In 1594, 1630, and 1638 this resulted in disaster, as Portugese forces were ambushed and destroyed, their commaners being killed on each occasion… Kandyan forces did not have guns or armour like the Portugese, being armed with bows and spears, and thus they tended to avoid frontal attacks. Instead, they used the mountainous and forested terrain to wear down the Portugese with ambushes and attacks on their supply lines”

P. 74 There is no question that mainland Southeast Asian and perhaps most of the islands too had gubs well before the Europeans arrived. .. the sultan of Malacca was lentifully equipped with cannons by the time of the Portugese attack in 1511… diffusion of gunpowder weapons as beginning in Burma and Vietnam in the 1390s, before advancing to the rest of the region and Northern India through the next century, parallelling the fact that Mamluk and Ottoman guns had reached Western India by 500. Chinese cannons reached Java by 1421.”

P. 86 “the Mighals were not defeated by European,s and that though internal dynamics were the determining factor in their fall, their most dangerous military foes were Persians and Afghans, not the Portugese, Dutch or British.”

P. 87 “Bengal alone had a larger population than Britain in 1750.”

P. As in Africa, none of the Asian great powers had an interest in controlling sea routes or maritime trade in the way that Europeans obsessed about, making compromises and accommodations between the two groups much easier to strike.”

P. 100 “The repeated European disappointments and defeats at the hands of Islamic foes in North Africa right through to the 19th century scotches any notion that Western overseas expansion swept all before it. These reverses are even more significant given that the Spanish and Portugese committed far more resources in their failed expeditions across the Mediterranean than they ever did to those across the Atlantic or to the East. The Ottomans were dominant in Europe right through what is said to be the key century in the military revolution. The fact that their eclipse came only in the second half of the 18th century, and then at the hands of the Russians, is an awkward fit with the tenets of the conventional story. It is a strongly underappreciated fact that the Ottoman Empire enjoyed far more extensive and longer-lasting military and geo-political success than supposed paragons of modernity like the Dutch and the Swedes… Non-Western powers are portrayed as mere failures waiting to happen.”

P. 134 The Industrial Revolution was certainly a vital part of explaining how Europeans were able to build their new empires. But the prior question is why Europeans wanted to build huge empires. Given the at-best uncertain returns in military and economic terms, in many cases later imperial expansion seems to have reflected concerns about prestige and status in an international context where great power standing required colonies. In the decades after WWII, however, being in possession of colonies went from being valorized to being deeply stigmatised as part of a fundamental change in the mores of international society… the rise and fall of European empires were crucially driven and shaped by changes in ideas and cultural contexts, rather than just, or even mostly, material factors and rational means-end calculation.”

P. 134 “the functionalist model, premised on rational learning and Darwinian survival pressures, is implausiable. Against the expectation of convergence on a superior Western style of warfare, it is striking how often non-Western opponents have improved their performance by adopting a very different style of war.”

P. 143 Outside the settler countries of the Americas and Oceania, European dominance fell even more suddenly than it had been established. .. the declining legitimacy of empires reinforces earlier conclusions about the importance of culture and ideas, as distinct from rational pursuit of power and wealth, in the making and remaking of the modern international system. Second, the fact that ‘backward’ non-Western forces have repeatedly bested ‘advanced’ Western forces supports earlier skepticism about the significance of weapons and military technology in isolation from broader concerns.”

P. 144 The wars of decolonisation, and subsequent Western counterinsurgency campaigns, decisively undermines easy assumptions that victory goes to those with the most advanced technology, the largest economies, and the most developed state apparatus. .. Us and Western forces are perhaps even further away from solving these problems than they were 50 years earlier… Claims that these kinds of insurgencies are not ‘real’ major power wars completely fail to deal with the fact that this kind of expeditionary warfare was how Europeans built their empires and created the international system in the first place.”

P. 150 “Moving away from the conventional story of Western hegemony puts our current circumstances in a new light. A more cosmopolitan, less eurocentric perspective, giving due weight to regions beyond Europe, shows Western dominance of the international system as relatively fleeting, and thus makes it much less surprising if this dominance is now being challenged with the rise of powers beyond the West. A multipolar global international order becomes the historical norm rather than the exception. … The questions that we ask, and fail to ask, about history changes our views not only of where we have come from, but also where we are, and where we are going.”

Books Early modern history History

Notes from The Gun, The Ship and The Pen

P. 46 “What happened on Saint-Domingue/Haiti also confirms the political impact and disruptiveness of expanding levels of warfare in the 1700s. It underlines, too, the degree to which this was not just a Western phenomenon. In much of west Africa, the middle decades of the 18th century also witnessed a plurality of conflicts. Take Dahomey, a formidable kingdom in present-day Benin, with its own standing army and gunpowder weaponry. In 1724, it soldiers invaded the once powerful coastal kingdom of Allada, sezing over 8,000 captives. Dahomey itself was invaded seven times between the 1720s and 1740s by the armies of the Yoruba Oyo empire. This was based in what is now Nigeria, and sometimes deployed armies of over 50,000 men, There were other conflicts in this huge region. In the declining kingdom of Kongo, a polity which extended into parts of what is now Angola, Gabon and the two republics of Congo, a longrunning civil war reached even sharper levels of violence between the 1760s and the 1780s…. Some Africanist have contended “a great many of the slaves” who were shipped by French slavers into Saint-Somingue in the later 1700s may in effect have been military veterans, men who had ‘served in African armies prior to their enslavement … may have been … speculates the historian John Thornton,… “the key element of the early success” of its revellion in the 1790s against slavery, and that enabled the Black insurgents here to endure and fight back when they were “threatened by reinforced armies from Europe”.”

P. 67 “Celebration of Moses, along with other real and legendary legislators such as Lycurgus, the quasi-mythical lawgiver of ancient Sparta, Charlemagne, Muhammad, Confucius and the Anglo-Saxon King Alfred found enhanced expression from the mid-18th century not only in political, philosophical and scholarly writing, but also in art and in architectural design and sculpture. The growing cult of messianic lawmkers even surfaces in nobels – in Louis-Sebastien Mercier’s utopian bestseller L’An 2440 (1770) for instance… Mercier imagined a 25th century Mesico that has been cleansed of colonial violence by a Black “avenger of the New World”. This hero fights successfully against European predators, but Mercier goes on to describe how “this great man, this renowned legislator, this negro in whom nature had exerted all her force subsequently lays down the dword and instead resolves to display to the nation the sacred code of the laws, devising a federal constitution and becoming in the process a model for his fellow rulers.”

P. 75 Catherine the Great “those at the time and since who dismiss the Nakaz as nothing more than a vain autocrat’s parade of her pretensions to enlightenment have also misread and misunderstood its significance. It was innovative and influential not least in terms of the techniques that Catherine devised in order to advance and promote it. The Legislative Commission that met in Moscow in August 1767 … brought together delegates froman entire, rapidly expanding overland empire… far less power and initiative than America’s Founding Fathers; and, in the end, they accomplished much less… markedly more diverse in terms of social, economic, religious and ethnic background than the men of Philadelphia. About 30% were nobles, but some came from much lower down the social hierarchy… a man needed only to own a house or possess a trade. Women too received some recognition in this Moscow commission, something that did not happen in revolutionary America, or revolutionary France, or in revolutionary Haiti or revolutionary Spanish America. Among those selecting the commission’s members in 1767 were female landowners who were able to vote by proxy … did nothing for Russia’s own slave population, the roughly 50% of its peasant class who were serfs. Catherine had initially planned to use the Nakaz to ease the condition of these people and provide for their gradual emancipation… but these emancipatory projects fell victims to objections from the landowning class, and to her own nervousness about alienating her nobility.. Not all of the Moscow deputies were white, and not all of them were Christian. The empire’s non-Russian peoples, many of whom were Muslims, had been dran on extensively for military service during the Seven Years’ War. They reaped some reward in the Legislative Commission where they were allotted 54 deputies. “Orthodox sits next to heretic and Muslim,” wrote Catherine complacently in December 1767 of the commission’s meetings, “and all three listen calmly to a heathen; and all four often put their heads together to make their opinions mutually acceptable.”

P. 116 The Federalist Papers, these essays are probably best known now for Hamilton’s initial euphoric boast: “It seems to have been reserved to the people of this country… to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force.”

P. 127 The new American political texts also confirmed and accelerated those changes in understandings of the term ‘constitution’ that were already emerging before 1776. It became more common now to argue that political constitutions might – perhaps even should – be set down in a single, easy-to-print document. One sign of this shift is the response of opponents. From the 1780s, conservatives in some of the disparate German lands and in Brityain began to refer derisively to ‘paper constitutions’. 

P. 135 Men and women who were interested in this form of political technology were increasingly presented with a choice. Not only could they study and plunder the United States’ own much reproduced and translated texts. Progressively, they were also in a position to secure information about, and read, and rifle the constitutions of other places. Already by the 1790s, savvy publishers had recognised and were beginning to capitalise on this trend.. Began to issue omnibus collections of constitutions… by the early 20th century, indeed, some newly emerging states and regimes were themselves sponsoring and publishing these kinds of collections… what happened in 1922 in the new Irish Free State, precariously established after six years of civil warfare against the British. The Free State government in Dublin commissioned and issued a hefty volume entitled Select Constitutions of the World. With the text of its own new Irish constitution printed prominently in fist place, the book also contained the texts of 18 other countries’ current constitutions.”

P. 138 The 1814 text crafted at Eidsvoll was painstakingly investigated by a Victorian scholar, the Swedish jurist Nils Hojer.. He was able to uncover and identify influences… “and in some cases verbatim translations – from the French revolutionary constitutions of 1791, 1793 and 1795, the American Federal Constitution and several state constitutions, the Polish Constitution of 1791, the Batavian [Dutch] constution of 1798, the Swedish of 1809 and the Spanish of 1812… what these men stoically hammered out as they waited for Swedish armed forces to arrive in their country was emphatically not a pure domestic invention… nor from any single foreign source… printed copies of the new constitution were put on sale in 1814 in Norway’s 25 major post offices and close to 100 sub-post offices… Norwegians were also encouraged to paste pages from these print version of the constitution on the inside walls of their houses thereby – quite literally – domesticating the country’s new politics and making it part of their everyday lives.”

P. 163 The common soldiery of Ancien Regime Europe (and elsewhere) were rarely the downtrodden automata of legend… Nonetheless, it is clear that some French Revolutionary troops were politicised to a quite different level, in part because widely distributed written and printed constitutions now existed to serve as instructional and inspiring scripts. Take Joseph-Louis-Gabriel Noel, a yeoman farmer and quiet family man from the still quieter village of Ubexy in north-eastern France. When he signed up as an infantryman in a local battalion of volunteers in August 1791, he quickly came to represent himself, even in the privacy of his letters home, as a “solider of the constitution”, a child of destiny. .. What he read, saw, heard and was told by his officers convinced him, however, that triumph was assured and not just for France. “It is we,” he rejoiced, “who must attack to send shivers down the tyrants’ spines and free enslaved people.”

P. 164 “The army that Hapoleon let loose on Russia in the summer of 1812 consisted of about 680,000 men, over half of whom were not French by birth. .. one Abdel-Talut. Originally captured in Ethiopia and sold as a slave in Cairo, he was pluched from captivity there by Napoleon’s invading soldiery, and subsequenly exposed to different forms of hardship and duress, taking part in several French military campaigns before dying in frozen agony on the retreat from Moscow.”

P. 193 “By the mid 1820s, Spain’s Atlantic empire had shrunk to just Cuba and Puerto Rico. The new independence constitutions crafted in Argentina in 1826, in Chile and Peru in 1828, and in New Granada, Urguay and Venezuela in 1830 still retained, however, strong traces of the original Cadez model. … because of his invasion of the Iberian peninsula, and because of the complex repercussions of his Bayonee Statute, Napoleon helped to foster the spread of written constitutions into the length and breadth of South America and the spread of knowledge of them into parts of south-east Asia.

P. 207 Pentham “also made contact with Islamic north Africa, especially by way of his ‘adopted son’, Hassuna D’Ghies. Madrasa-educated, multilingual and a devout Muslim, D’Ghies came from a wealthy family in Tripoli. Visiting London in the early 1820s, he quickly made himself known to Bentham and for over a year the two men worked on plans for an Arabic language constitution for Tripoli and for a wider political revolution that might range across north Africa. One result was Bentham’s 1822 essay “Securities Against Misrule”, the first full-length discussion by a Western author of how the new constitutional ideas and apparatus might be adapted to an Islamic polity.”

P. 208 Betham “back in 1789, when drafting a proposal for a constitution for Revolutionary France, he had argued for the extension of its franchise to all citizens ‘ male or female’ so long as the recipients were ‘of full age, of cound mind, and able to read’. Aware that even most of his fellow reformers would likely question ‘Wht admit women to the right of suffrage?’ Bentham pushed the counter-question: ‘Why exclude them? By the 1820s, however… this cause dropped out of his major public statements and writings. Time was short for him now, and there seemed so much that he could do.”

P. 415 (1820s to 1920s) “Unable or unwilling to design and deploy a formal written constitution, British jurists, polemicists and politicians resorted instead and deliberately to another form of print: patriotic and widely distributed and exported histories of their real and imagined political constitution.”

P. 342 James Africanus Beale Horton – surgeon-major and constituionalist 

P. 422 “In a deeply uncertain, shifting, unequal and violent world, therse kinds of imperfect but sometimes stirring, diversely useful and easily available texts may be the best we can hope for. As Thomas Jefferson put it in 1802: “tho’ written constitutions may be violated in moments of passion or delusion, yet they furhish a text to which those who are watchful may again rally and recall to the people.” Over 200 years later, much the same point was being acted out by a.. Young woman named Olga Misik who was protecting in the streets of Moscow…A pro-democracy activist, Misik found herself early in AUgust 2019 encircled by riot police, formidable men in body armour, brandishing shields and batons. Her response was to sit down in the street and read aloud passages from the pages of a paperback copy of the Russian constituion. Misik was 17 at this point and still at school… they did not move in and attack.”

Books Early modern history History Science

Podcast: Medieval eastern medicine

Another fascinator from the New Books Network: Goldsmith’s academic Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim on her new book ReOrienting Histories of Medicine – “it’s been rarely appreciated how much of the history of Eurasian medicine in the premodern period hinges on cross-cultural interactions and knowledge transmissions along these same lines of contact. Using manuscripts found in key Eurasian nodes of the medieval world”.

We think of Mongol period as of desctruction, but – what a great setting for historical novel, but Yoeli-Tlalim tells of the now Iranian city of Tabriz, the Ilkhanid Mongol court deliberately set up an intellectual hub, drawing in scholars from far afrield, where knowledge from Tibetan medicine was exchanged with “Islamic medicine”, both having been informed by Greek and Roman medicine. The city had active contacts with Byzantium and the Chinese court, and also with India. It was also a centre for astonomers and agronomists.

The author also makes an interesting point about the “mythical” elements in ancient medical texts. Rather than dismissing them, ask “what are they trying to tell us” – lots of understanding of the body, the nature of an individual etc can be gained from taking seriously. And divination or “magic” is a way of making a decision when you don’t have enough “scientific” knowledge to make a choice. And “superfoods” go a long way back – see triphala.

Talks also of Uighur medicine, from a document found in Turfan/Turpan.

Books Early modern history History Women's history

Notes from The Northumbrians: North-East England and Its People

p 70 What is perhaps most remarkable in this period are the erudite Northumbrian women who emerged to take a prominent place in Enlightenment discourse. we should begin here with Mary astell (1666-1731), the daughter of a Tyneside coal merchant and possibly Britain’s earliest similar thinker. she was educated by her uncle on the Newcastle Quayside in Latin French logic and natural philosophy before Mary Wollstonecraft wrote A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. she been took the bold step of moving to London to try to make a living as a writer. In 1694 she wrote a book entitled A serious proposal to the Ladies arguing for greatest female agency and the right to what we might now think of as a career instead of the stultification of early marriage. This appealed to her friend, Elizabeth Elstob, another Newcastle woman who was a serious scholar of Anglo-Saxon history. … this independence of mind was emulated by yet another Tyneside woman Jane Gomeldon, nee Middleton (1720 79), who after travelling in Europe disguised as a man ( and attempting to elope with a French nun) return to Newcastle where she wrote Maxims- a sort of English haiku – and in 1766, to raise money for the city’s lying-in hospital, a book of 31 essays entitled the The Medley, which Jane assumes a male persona to discuss, inter alia, Milton and Homer, … it was a Newcastle schoolmistress, Ann Fisher ( 1719-78) whose A New Grammar: being the most easy guide to speaking and writing the English language properly and correctly of 1745 made her the earliest female author on the subject and that her book ran to 33 editions.”

p. 143 Well-heeled women felt the pressure to conform to traditional gender roles too, as in the case of Rachel Parsons, daughter of the famous Tyneside industrialist Sir Charles Parsons. she was a mechanical Sciences graduate from Cambridge and president of the women’s Engineering Society, and during the war had been a director of her father’s Tyneside engineering company, at Wars end to Charles insisted that Rachel stand down, causing a rift between them that was never healed. after female suffrage was introduced partially in 1918, been fully from 1928, we do see women’s participation in politics increase ( Rachel Parsons stood for the conservatives in Newcastle.) it is telling however that the private lives of women elected in the northeast between the wars gave them atypical levels of Independence. after the former “gAIETY gIRL” Mabel Philipson was returned for the Conservatives in 1923 at Berwick as the north east’s first female MP, there came a succession of formidable women who were all either widows and unmarried or childless. Margaret Bondfield in Wallsend ( who became in 1929 Britain’s first female cabinet minister), Dr Marianne Phillips ( Sunderland), Susan Lawrence ( Stockton), Irene Ward ( Wallsend), and ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson (Middlesborough and then Jarrow).

Books Early modern history History Women's history

Notes from Elizabeth I and Her Circle by Susan Doran

p. 41 Elizabeth also took more positive lessons from the reigns of her siblings. From both monarchs she learned much about the art of self-representation. Like Edward, she presented herself as a learned, godly protestant monarch, who was well versed in the classics and the scriptures. From Mary, she learned how to project authority and power while ‘circumcenting masculine stance and military symbols’. So for example, Elizabeth appropriated the images of the biblical women Deborah, Judith and Esther, who had previously been associated with her immediate predecessor. Furthermore, Elizabeth carried out royal rituals that had fallen into abeyance under the protestant Edward but had been restored by the Catholic Mary: the exchange of gifts on New Year’s Day; the touching for the king’s evil to cure scrofula; the royal washing of paupers’ feet on Maundy Thursday; and the celebration of the Feast of St George. Even though some protestants criticized these rituals as superstituous, Elizabeth continued them because they added to the charism of the monarchy. Protestant propagandists, however, would not admit to any borrowings from Mary. Instead, they worked hard to distance and disassociate the new queen from her half-sister.”