Author Archives: Natalie Bennett

How a life was defined by childhood poverty

My grandmother, Edna White, nee Boar, aged 90, is now in hospital in Australia, receiving palliative care after a massive stroke.

Hers was a life marked indelibly by the Great Depression. She never tired of telling the story of how at the age of 11 she got a scholarship to a grammar school, but because her parents couldn’t afford the tram fare, she had to go to a three-year high school, and then go out to work at 15.

She was very intelligent, and artistically talented, and ended up forging a financially comfortable life for herself, working as a legal secretary, which for a woman of her generation was a very good job.

But the psychological scars remained – she always felt that the world hadn’t given her her due, and hadn’t allowed her a fair go. That marked her life, and that of her family.

Today, with the massive welfare cuts in Britain, the hideous and growing inequality, how many more people are being so marked?

Update: Nan died peacefully in her sleep on November 21. Seeking information for her death certificate, I’ve had cause to delve into the family history and learnt that her mother was Florence (nee) Grose, her father’s William R. C. Boor. They were married in Paddington (Australia) in 1919. (Nan was born on the 13th April, 1921, and married in 1946.) Two generations much marked also by war.

Reclaiming the F Word – a survey across, but not judgement of, contemporary feminism

First published on Blogcritics

I read Reclaiming the F Word, the much-awaited book by the former editor of the website The F-Word, some months ago when it first came out, indeed even went to the launch in a West End club, but hadn’t found time to write up a review (not enough long train trips recently – at least not ones where I’ve been fit to do any more than sleep).

It wasn’t what I expected – I’d been predicting something more analytical, which tried to present a path forward for feminism and a vision of the future. That’s definitely not what it is.

Rather it’s a snapshot of today – based heavily on a survey of 1,265 feminists, self-described (I was one of them). There are descriptions of types of feminism of today, and surveys of views, but very little in the way of judgements of worth or value.

But provided you take the book for what it is, it’s a valuable work – certainly highly useful as an introduction to modern feminism, and as a guide for those thinking about becoming involved in feminism work but not quite sure where to start. (And with the detailed result presented in an appendix, no doubt invalulable to future historians, and as a source for present-day sociologists.)

It’s also heavy of pointers to further reading, namechecking many of the feminist books and writers of the past decade or so. There’s also plenty of basic facts and figures on women’s status and position, if sometimes they feel a little random,

Adding to the “introduction to feminism” feel,each chapter finishes with a list of possible actions the reader might take, ranged across levels of radicalism and effort.

The focus is slanted towards the UK and the West, but there’s enough discussion of the critical problems of women in the developing world to ensure that any reader new to feminism at least gets a sketch of the international dimension.

But if you’ve been around for a long time, as I have, you won’t find much to surprise you.

It was in the appendix that I found, for me, the most valuable data. The survey question that asked feminists to rank their concerns by importance put inequality in work/home/education top, with well over 600 respondents, and “violence against women” at about 600. “The body”, primarily abortion and reproductive rights was third.

All of these were well above “popular culture” including responses relating to objectification/sexualisation, the issue that I think is consuming far too much time and energy in current feminist efforts.

While I’d class myself, when pushed, as a radical feminist, rather than as a Marxist/socialist one, I think these campaign in attacking the end result of hyper-capitalism are failing to get anywhere near our real problems, which lie in our extreme consumerist culture, for which the use of sex as a commodity to sell pretty well anything at all is merely a logical outcome.
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Notes from the Scottish Green Party conference

I was delighted to be an observer last weekend for the England and Wales Party at the Scottish conference. Aside from drinking some (well quite a bit actually) of homemade damson gin, I did get to lots of sessions, and eventually get the hang of the rather complicated but certainly efficient system for voting in plenary sessions.

This is a collection of notes and highlights..

Robyn Harper, who will be stepping down next May after 12 years as an MSP, recalled how he came to join the party. A former student had given him a joining form which he put in his coat pocket, where it stayed until the day the Rainbow Warrior was bombed. That spurred him into joining what was then the Ecology Party.

The lesson from this: always carry and hand out joining leaflets…

He was highly positive about next year’s Scottish Parliamentary elections, with the nice line “the best way to predict the future is to invent it”.

“We should be able to get at least 1% off each of then Tories, Lib Dems and Nationalists.” If the Greens did that, they’d be in the running for 9 seats andd quite possibly be in a position to shape or be part of the next government. “If the chance comes for Green ministers we need to be ready.”

The EIS* fringe session
Jacqui Helburn, EIS director, said Scots had to defend against some of the worst ideological excesses of the Condems “down south,” as represented by Academy and “free” schools creeping into Scotland. The comprehensive system had to be defended.

The problems had already started, she said. The SNP had promised to maintain 52,000 teachers and keep class sizes down but already 3,500 had lost their jobs and of teachers who had completed their induction year this year, only 10% now had permanent jobs.

The EIS is running a big campaign “Why Must Our Children Pay?”

MSP Robyn Harper, a former teacher, highlighted the importance of music, drama, PE and movement classes. These were highlighted in the “Curriculum for Excellence”, which was proving very popular in primary schools, he said, although secondaries were finding it more difficult.

Jacqui said that it was music and singing lessons at school that had given her the confidence to be where she is now. Robyn said: “I have no problem with defending to the death music lessons, in terms of the confidence, teamworking, empathy and other skills they help develop.” In times of cutbacks they were always the first to suffer, “but they are at the centre of the Curriculum for Excellence”.

He added that it was not just teaching that was critical in terms of funding. “We have 50 areas of multiple deprivation. They need social work inputs.”

(* Interesting organisation – they represent both primary and secondary teachers and have achieved an integrated payscale for them, I found through chatting on their stall.)

Going Carbon Neutral Stirling
Rachel Nunn has run a highly regarded project in Stirling charged with “getting the mass audience that wwas unengaged in sustainability and carbon reduction” to get involved.

She said its aim was to create a new social norm so that even after the project ended behaviour change continued.

It’s clearly regarded as a roaring success and has rigorous procedures, with monthly evaluations and redrawing of the project in response. It now has 30% of people involved in carbon reduction with a budget of £1.5m, nine staff over four years.

There’s a lot of selling involved – staff “cold call” organisations to ask them to get involved – 65% say ‘yes’ and that involves contact controlled by the initial organisation – “it might be two minute with a football club befor they run out on the pitch to half an hour with the knitting group.”

Ninety-five per cent of groups agree to become involved, “People know it is the right thing to do, and we’re helped by our high visibility in Stirling.”

But it was there that the story got a bit less positive. “Of the 241 groups that said ‘yes’ 126 have done any meaningful activity.”

Additionally, it had been hoped that reaching families through children in schools would be effective, but a recent evaluation found that less than 2% of parents knew about the carbon cutter plans. “We try to reach them through emails, newsletters, homework — all the usuall channels — but it seems they don’t pay attention.”

Her conclusion was that something of an impasse has been reached: “People are bored with the easy stuff and can’t quite be bothered to tackle the hard stuff.”

She said that often people asked if the programme could be replicate by voluntary effort. She clearly thought not – “It is asking too much of volunteers. You need the right set of skills – often selling skills more usually found in the commercial sector – and the time to spend on speaking to people.”

Scottish Women’s Aid – impressive, but threatened…

I spent (a very packed and interesting) weekend at the Scottish Green Party conference. More on this shortly, but one of the highlights was learning more about women’s issues in Scotland.

Scottish Women’s Aid had a stall at the conference, and a very hardhitting campaign with its “Save Violence Against Women” pledge. Up until now, they’ve had funding and support that we can only envy in England.

The Rape Crisis Specific Fund has provided £50,000 per rape crisis centre per year across Scotland to ensure a basic level of service, also funding the creation of five new rape crisis centres. The Children’s Services Fund has provided more than 100 children’s workers.

But they are clearly concerned that cutbacks mean this is all at risk.

Steady funding has, however, enable them to build real political muscle and lobbying capacity – again something that in England we can only envy.

They had an excellent paper from the Scottish Women’s Budget Group, which campaigns for Gender Budget Analysis in public spending decisions and budget-setting processes “as a means of ensuring both compliance with the requirements for gender impact assessment (Equality Act 2006), and as a means of ensuring political commitment to gender equality are translated into decisions about resource allocation and budgetary commitments.”

A Women’s Aid report identifies just over £8.3m a year spent by the Scottish government on violence against women, the current allocation of which will run out in March 2011. (A study in the UK in 2008 estimated domestic abuse costs in England and Wales £40bn per annum.) A study, also there, found that the cost savings in providing housing and support to women fleeing domestic violence was almost £19,000 per individual women, twice the cost of providing support.” Additionally: “When women threatened by domestic violence were able to access support services and leave an abusive partner, the risk of further assults was reduced by 80%.”

They also had an interesting summary report from a census conducted over 24 hours on September 24, 2009. In that time 365 women and 360 children were in Scottish refuges, 642 women and 307 children and young people were being supported by Women’s Aid, 101 women contacted Women’s Aid for the first time, and 12 women and 5 children had to be turned away from refuges due to lack of space. Sadly, four women had to be turned away because they had “no recourse to public funds” as a result of their immigvration status. “Most are forced to return to their partner.”

Mayor and London Assembly Question Time in Camden

To Mayor and London Assembly Question Time in Camden this evening, which proved rather livelier, and less bogged down in political pointscoring than I expected, with the notable exception of Caroline (did-I-mention-the Lib-Dems) Pidgeon. It was also surprising (or not) that somehow while everyone else’s microphone went on and off, Boris Johnson’s was perpetually on, allowing him to butt in whenever he wanted.

On the proposed UKCMRI medical lab in Somers Town, was pleased to hear Brian Coleman publicly repeat his opposition, but very disappointed by Jennette Arnold’s backing for it (definitely a letter heading her way) – seems like she’s swallowed the Gordon Brown line.

The mayor, probably reasonably enough, was not commenting on development applications on which he might have to rule, a point made before the UKCMRI question.

Other notable points/questions:

* Jenny Jones: “anyone who thinks we are going to have the same number of police numbers [after the cuts] is barking mad.” She also noted that the Tory-LibDem coalition was planning to abolish the Police Authority, with “something puny being put in its place”. To save money Jenny suggested that the Territorial Support Group would be cut by half and the number of press officers (“a scandal” at 72) be reduced.

* Boris Johnson had a tough time (rightly) on the closure of Tube ticket officers and the reduction in safety staff – he apparently signed a pledge not to cut ticket office hours before the election. On this, as on many other questions, he simply warbled on a bit without substantive answer.

* Shahrar Ali got possibly the strongest round of applause of the night for a question on the closure of Tube lines for works, particularly at weekends, asking for at a minimum transparency about what is being done and why. “God help you if you happen to live and work in Brent and need to get out.”

* A question on when London cycle hire bikes would get to Kentish Town was also popular – Boris appeared to be mixing Kentish Town and Highgate when he suggested North London was too hilly for the scheme. (In fact he suggested expansion east and west would come before the north, if the last happened at all.)

Being positive about feminism: a new academic study

I learnt about the existence of Jonathan Dean’s new book Rethinking Contemporary Feminist Politics, from an interview with the author on The F-Word. That great group blog is one of its three specific subjects of study, the others being Women’s Aid and the Fawcett Society. Since I’ve just become a trustee of the latter, it seemed essential to lay hands on a copy. I blanched, however, when I looked at the price on Amazon – £54. £54! Luckily, as a member of the London Library I had a plan B, which was to get them to buy a copy (also fitting in with my ongoing campaign to ensure it has a good feminism collection.)

That’s a pity, for while this is clearly an academic book, with a conclusion dense packed with political theory that’s going to be accessible to only a few (I may come back to it if I can find a time when I’m less tired – a debate about Deleuzianism, “Lacanian theorists of lack” and post-Gramscian political theory” extending my knowledge of political theory into 21st-century debates with which I’ve not previously engaged), the bulk of the text, the study of the three feminist institutions, is perfectly readable, useful and well worth the attention of anyone involved in contemporary feminism.

That’s particularly because this is broadly a positive story. Dean sees a strong resurgence in UK feminism particularly in the past half-decade. He in part accepts the broadly charted narrative of decline up to that point, although he does see it as being based on somewhat simplistic and problematic definitions of what an authentic, radical, autonomous feminist movement is and might be, suggesting that there’s been too strong a focus on what the feminist movement of the early to mid-Seventies was as a perfect model, any deviation from which has automatically been defined as a decline.

Using radical as a term for demanding significant change, rather than the specifics of “Radical Feminism”, he finds elements of real strength and drive in each of the three institutions that he studies. He also notes that a more recent model for identifying an authentic political action, as advocated by Zizek and Badiou among others, which is “a ‘heroic’ conception … predicated upon sudden rupturing and clearly visible instances of political contest; anything else is implicitly viewed with suspicion and risks being cast as ‘inauthentic’.” Dean adds that this approach “betrays an almost theological – and undoubtedly resolutely masculinist – standpoint” and “a political purism which strikes me as ill-equipped to grasp the locatedness and inevitable messiness of processes of feminist political articulation”. (p. 170)

On Fawcett, he says:

“…there are two main logics at work within the organisation …At one level, the organisations is strongly underwritten by a political logic of claimmaking directed at political elites in which – one may argue – a more radical feminist critique is absent. However, by contrast, the eveness of this logic is undermined by a logic of radicalistion that has become especially apparent since late 2005. This logic of radicalisation… refers in particular to Fawcett’s recent efforts to cast their demands within the context of a broader intervention into the public gender debate, situated within a more forthright affirmation of feminism.” (p64-65)

On The F-Word, he finds that while it is open to criticism of being very individualised and lifestyle-focused, he sees an increasing trend over its development whereby “the self-identity as feminist need not occasion a drift into apolitical complicity with logics of individualisation but, rather, translates into a more engaged political awareness, feeding into increased radicalism”. (p. 162)

On Women’s Aid, he’s also broadly positive, but in a passage that I found very interesting, for it reflects much of the difficulties I have in engagements with much local “community consultation” (indeed a meeting I was at all this morning on the future of the King’s Cross area with Camden officials and local volunteers), Dean looks at, however, engagement in government processes is, for “Women’s Aid as expert” problematic.

“I want to raise the question whether the organisation’s enthusiasm for multi-agency work, coupled with its position as an ‘expert’ voice, renders them partiallty complicit with the logics of what we might call ‘interest group pluralism’. In a manner that may curtail the organisation’s vitality and radicalism. … interest group pluralism refers to a mode of governance in which various actors are engaged in processes of making political claims which are then adjudicated by the government apparatus, and is thus symptomatic of what Zerilli and Arendy refer to as the domestication of politics to ‘the social’. A further dimension of interest group pluralism, as Iris Marion Young has pointed out, is that it tends to reduce politics to a process of rule by experts who are delegated responsility for particular issues.” p. 121

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