Category Archives: Politics

Books London Politics

An early history of the London Assembly and mayoralty

With the fourth election of the London Mayor and Assembly, in which I’ll be taking a part, fast approaching (all those doors to knock on!), now seemed an opportune time to take a look back over the origins and structure of this rather curious institution of the Greater London Authority (that term applies _only_ to the combination of the two, for those who like to get the technicalities right – hi Darren!)

I’ve got a lot of respect for Tony Travers, not only because I know that he’s one of a handful of experts on local government in Britain, but because he very sharply chaired one of the ten hustings in 2010 for Holborn and St Pancras, and helped make it one of the most interesting. So his The Politics of London: Governing an Ungovernable City seemed a must-read.

In it, he covers the lead-up to the creation of the GLA in 2000, and the first three years of its existence. I must admit some of the latter is really only of interest to the specialist, but he’s very interesting on the historical long-view of London – broadly what he sees as the “ungovernableness”, and the strains, stresses and nature of the unusual (in British terms) and rather anomalous constitution structure that we have today.

He explains: “The status of the GLA is unclear. The mayor’s hugh electorate and the GLA’s strategic role suggest devolved regional government, like the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly, but the financial rules and close continuing central government control make it look more like local government. … it is not the top tier in a vertically integrated hierarchical system of metropolitan government. As set out in the legislation, and confirmed in practice, the powers of the mayor are largely those of patronage, persuasion and publicity. Patronage, through his or her ability to appoint to functional bodies; persuasion, using limited control over resources and position at the centre of hat is a continuing system of network and multi-level governance; and publicity through exploiting the mayor’s legitimacy, accountability and democratic claim to ‘speak for London’.” (p. 68)
read more »

Books London Politics

Sense of deja vu all over again? Housing, house building, poverty, the City and private and government interests

From A Journey Through the Ruins: The Last Days of London, by Patrick Wright, a slightly curious mixture of architectural/heritage comment and development politics of the 1980s in the capital (first published in 1991). A few snippets of interest…

“Hackney’s experiment with high-rise flats was accompanied by the usual allegations of corruption and graft, but whatever may have been going on locally, there can be no doubt at all that large dividends were being reaped elsewhere. Patrick Dunleavy investigated the links between national politicians, civil servants and the large construction companies that thrived on the public housing programmes during the years of Conservative government, and his findings certainly add up to an interesting picture of corporate and personal involvement. A significant number of of MPs had connections with the construction industry but so too did two ministers in the Cabinet responsible for the high flat subsidy*: Keith Joseph was heir to the Bovis fortune and Geoffrey Rippon was a director of Cubbitts. Among the construction companies both McAlpine and Taylor Woodrow were major contributors to the Conservative Party and also such right-wing pressure groups such as the Freedom Association. Dame Evelyn Sharp as Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Housing and Local Government during the crucial years, 1954-64; she was also a friend of the construction boss, Neil Wates, and, after her retirement from the civil service, the holder of a directorship at Bovis. Kenneth Wood, Chariman of Concrete Ltd, as among the ‘advisers’ employed by the Ministry of Housing and Local Government from the construction industry; even as late as 1974, a Bovis executive was appointed to ‘mastermind a more vigorous public housing drive’.
Architects are still inclined to blame the worst excesses of the Sixties on every aspect of this planning framework, except their own professional culture. But there can be no doubt that a self-referring professional world built up; one in which consultation with the ‘client’ meant nothing more than discussion with borough architects, planners and other such experts who shared a professional outlook based on what Martin Pawley described as a ‘curious amalgam of ‘modern’ thought and scientific mumbo jumbo’.” (p. 92)

* High-rise flats were always an expensive form of housing… High-rise flats grew out of central-government subsidies. There were ‘expensive site’ subsidies in the Thirties, and in 1946 Attlee’s Labour government had added a ne increment per flat for blocks of at least four storeys high with lifts. But … it was the Macmillan government that triggered the high-rise boom in 1956, when it introduced a progressive storey-height subsidy that gave large increments for four-, five- and six-storey flats and a fixed increment for every additional storey over that.” (p. 91)
read more »

Politics

What’s wrong with UK-Swiss tax treaty?

Private Eye of October 14 (p. 29) sets it out very well, after the Treasury published the details of the deal:

The idea is that in return for 20-25% of undeclared British accounts that can be identified, the Swiss will keep their secrecy.

But …

This doesn’t apply to “assets of associations of persons, asset structures, trusts or foundations, if it is not possible to ascertain the beneficial ownership of such assets”. As Private Eye puts it, “this is precisely what the Swiss specialise in”.

Also, there’s an 18-month window before this comes in – May 2013, so even the dim accountholder who used their own name has plenty of time to move the money. The Swiss do have to specify the number of accounts shifted and the top ten tax haven destinations – but not how much money has been moved, or by whom!

Also, the UK has agreed not to make public the data collected… so we won’t know, and it is FOI-proof!

History Politics Women's history

The history and position of the Corporation of the City of London

The following is drawn from London and the Kingdom: A History Derived Mainly From the Archives at Guildhall by Reginald R Sharpe, DCL, in Three Volumes, printed by order of the Corporation of Under the Direction of the Library Commmittee, London, Longmans, 1894.

The author explains in the preface that authors have rarely touched on the City’s politics, yet “its geographical position combined with the innate courage and enterprise of its citizens served to give it no small political power and no insignificant place in the history of the Kingdom” (p. iv). He explains tha impetus as the popular tradition making this the 700th anniversary of the Mayoralty. (I suspect the existence of the Royal Commission on the Amalgamation of the City and County of London, which also reported in 1894 had something to do with it.)

Going back, right back… “the City has never been subject to any over-lord except the king. It never formed a protion of the king’s demesne (dominium), but has ever been held by its burgesses as tenants in capite by burgage (free socage) tenure. Other towns…were subject to overlords, ecclesiastical or lay, in the person of archbishop, abbot, baron or peer of the realm, who kept in their own hands many of the privileges which in the more favoured City of London were enjoyed by the municipal authorities.” (p. 3)

Athelstan ( king 924 or 925 to 939) gave encouragement to commercial enterprise “by enacting that any merchant who undertook successfully three voyages across the seas at his own cost (if not in his own vessel) should rank as a thane”. (p. 16)

William the Conqueror granted London a charter “by which he clearly declared his purpose not to reduce the citizens to a state of dependant vassalage, but to establish them in all the rights and privileges they had hitherto enjoyed. … William, King, greets William, Bishop, and Gosfregdh, Portreeve, and all the burgesses within London, French and English, friendly. And I give you to know that I will that ye be all those laws worky they ye were in King Eadward’s day. And I will that every child be his father’s heir after his father’s day and I will not suffer any man offer you any wrong. God keep you.” (p. 34)

Henry I granted a further charter “the citizens were henceforth to be allowed to hold Middlesex to farm at a rent of £300 a year, and to appoint from among themselves whom they would to be sheriff over it; they were further to be allowed to appoint their own justiciar to hold pleases of the crown, and no other justiciar should exercise authority over them; they were not to be forced to please without the city’s walls; they were to be exempt from scot and low and of all payments with respect to Danegelt and murder; they were to be allowed to purge themselves after the English fashion of making oath and not after the Norman fasion by wager of battle; their goods were to be free of all manner of customs, toll, passage and lestage; their husting court might sit once a week; and lastly, they might resort to ‘withernam’ or reprisal in cases where their goods were unlawfully seized.” (p. 41)

A lot of this was lost for a time under Stephen and Matilda, Henry II and Richard, particularly the shrievalty “when it was restored to the citizens (AD1199) by John’s second charter, the office of sheriff of London had lost much of its importance owing to the introduction of the communal system of municipal government under a mayor.” (p. 58) The origins of this are unclear, but may go back to Stephen’s reign. Certainly John and the barons after deposing Longchamp “granted to the citizens ‘their commune’, swearing to preserve untouched the dignities of the city during the king’s pleasure. (p. 63-4)

The first mention of the mayor is in 1202, “when John attempted to suppress the guild of weavers ‘at the request of our mayor and citizens of London’. A few years later when John was ready to do anything and everything to avoid signing the Great Charter which the barons were forcing on him, he made a bid for the favour of the citizens by granting them the right to elect annually a mayor, and thus their autonomy was rendered complete.” (p. 68)

The city rising of 1196: “The pressure of taxation weighed heavily on the poor, and occasioned a rising in the city under the leadership of William Fitz-Osbert. They cry was that the rich were spared whilst the poor were called upone to pay everything. [Sound familiar??!] … it is certain he had a large following. When Hubert Walter, the justiciar, sent to arrest him… he took refuge in the church of St Mary-le-Bow. Thither he was followed by the king’s officers… who with the aid of fire and faggot soon compelled him to surrender. On his way to the Tower he was struck at and wounded by one whose father (it was said) he had formerly killed; but this may or may not be the whole truth. A few days later he and a number of his associates were hanged.” (p. 71)

In 1200 first mention of alernmen… “the establishment of a court of aldermen preceded that of the common council”. (p. 72)

Edward III’s charter to the city of March 6, 1327, “which has been held to be of the force of an Act of Parliament,… appointed the mayor one of the justices of the gaol delivery of Newgate as well as the king’s escheator of felon’s goods within the city; it gave the citizens the right of devising real estate within the city; it restored to them all the privileges they had enjoyed before the memorable Iter of the last reign; and granted to them a monopoly oof markets within a ciircuit of seven miles of the city.” (p. 161)
read more »

History Politics

A note on the history of St Paul’s and political discontent…

“… in the 13th century there is evidence of growing tension between the governing class and the poorer citizens, whose only means of civic expression were the folkmoots – mass gatherings which took place in St Paul’s Churchyard. When the churchyard was enclosed in the early years of the 14th century the folkmoot ceased to meet” (The City of London, A Book Reprinted from the special number of The Times, 1928).

For enclosure read “‘elf ‘n’ safety’ or ‘tourist income’. Take your pick…

Feminism Politics

Speaking at the Decriminalisation Protest for the Sex Worker Open University

It may be the only time I’ll ever share a platform with John McDonnell MP (Labour) and Andrew Boff AM (Tory), but was pleased to join them both last week at a decriminalisation protest outside parliament linked to the Sex Worker Open University.

Interesting though that the three of us had a similar message – that the MPs behind us should listen to the evidence for complete decriminalisation of se work (the New Zealand model for short). As I said, that’s what both the Women’s Institute and the Royal College of Nursing had done.

John McDonnell pointed out that sex workers are under attack from trafficking legislation, which was persecuting them and driving them into more dangerous circumstances, when what they want and need is to work is safety.

He noted the advances in recognition of sex workers from the trade union movement (speakers from the South East TUC regional network and Hackney Trades Council were among those later offering solidarity).

Andrew Boff said that people operating legally were being hounded out of business, with the Olympic “clean up” being used as an excuse.

A number of international sex worker speakers offered solidarity with those in the UK, and spoke of the similarities of their problems.

Eva fro Kosovo praised the xtalk programme in London.