P. 55 The Ulster Scots, or Scots-Irish, among other collectives, had turned the world inside out for decades… this group’s re-emigration is significant, because it confirms the choice to relocate as a political tradition. Between 1718 and 1775, more than 100,000 men and women migrated from Ulster to the North American colonies, in the largest such movement in the 18th century… Why did they leave the Old World. Many feared that a ‘counterrevolution’, a political upheavel that would undo the Glorious Revolution, was inevitable – they felt that their privilege as Protestants ion Ireland would be threatened… the expansion of linen manufacturing in Ireland had brought opportunity, but it also brough exposure to market downturns. Many Scots-Irish families had lost whatever security they once held, .. new labour practives were challenging the traditional roles of male householders… The Ulster Scots were not the poorest in Ulster, but they were under pressure during economic downturns. They felt that they could only retain their position by moving out… Bernard Bailyn has focused on the “distressed” Yorkshire “countryfolk” who faces “an uncertain economic future, many in a high state of religious agitation and eader to withdraw into a separate community of like-minded worshippers. Often affected by Methodist propaganda, they had a passionate desire to “draw apart from a corrupt and abusive world and to create a refuge for themselves and their community on the far margins of the British periphery. The promotional material for emigration to America insisted on the absence of feudal obligations… a desire to avoid landlords was more and more paralleled by a despire also to escape markets (a very demanding landlord indeed). On settler noted with pride that in America there “was no need for market days since each farm did its own slaughtering and raised most of what it consumed”.
P. 67 “as Cuba burned during the first war of independence, the colonial authorities were imagining a resettled order through displacement. An official scheme in 1871 proposed to import between 40,000 and 50,000 German immigrants to the island. Following a similar logic, and facing revolution during the second war of independence, they thought of displacing enture populations to strategic locations under a policy of ‘reconcentration’. These were the first concentration camps. But cramming the countryside with German settlers or emptying it entirely of unmanageable populations were two sides of the same coin. Displacement was still understood as an antidote to revolution.”
P. 70 “White in Britain Paine was a revolutionary, in America he was not. He chose America, arguing for its independence and for a repudiation of aristocratic and monarchic privileges … Radical egalisatrianims was his stance in one location but defence of property rights characterised his posture in another. Displacement had transformed his politics. Much later, in Agrarian Justice (1797), Paine suggested that 15 pounds be paid to every person on turning 21: a social entitlement that would have ensured the establisjhment of a yeoman republic of independent landowners. It was a proposal very similar to that found in Harrington’s Oceana, a proposal also evoked in Lane’s later “commonhold”.
P. 75 Wakefield believed that capitalism tended to produce the conditions for its own demise … Pauperisation was not the only problem: the sons of the lesser gentry were finding no career opportunities, and small capitalists were downwardly mobile – he would have known, as he was one of them. This was the social revolution that most concerned Wakefield, because, if the conditions of the labouring poor would necessarily deteriorate before they could improve, an imminent revolutionary crisis was inevitable. “A ruined man is a dangerous citizen,” Wakefield sourly noted, before adding “there are at all times in this country more people who have been ruined than in any other country.”
P. 88 Caroline Chishom’s activism for women’s emigration – she published tThe ABC of Colonisation in 1850 – also aimed to turn the world inside out. Chisholm consistently and influentially advocated for the sponsored emigration of “respectable” poor farmers and especially single women. The latter would enable colonial fathers of working-class families to become respectable manly breadwinners. Her insight was that it is appropriate reproduction that turns the world inside out and she called for the systematic “population” of Australia, which she saw as “the future England of our Southern Hemisphere”.
P. 99 This synthesis had important gendered implications. Jefferson assumed that a farmer knew what was best for his fam, and that a father knew what was best for his family … Jeffersonianism represented the “apotheoiss of the republican father and head of the household”.
P. 106 “The Market Revolution was revolutionary indeed. Predicated on other revolutions – including the transport, legal and industrial revolutions – and on unprecedented economic development and a commercial boom, initially in wheat and cotton, it prompted many worlds turned inside out. Charles Sellers set the scene of ongoing culture wars between opposinig subcultures. “Arminiam” market contronted Aanitnomian” land … The market fostered individualism and competitive pursuit of wealth by open-ended production of commodity value that could be accumulated as money. But rural production of use values stopped once bodies were shelter and clothed and bellies provided for. Surplus produce had no abstract or money value and wealth could not be accumulated. Therefor the subsistence culture fosted family obligation, communal cooperation and reproduction over generations of a modest comfort”.
“Banks, paper money and ‘money changers’ were all perceived as part of the market revolution from which the settlers were escaping in the first place.”
P. 298 “The political tradtions that aim to turn the world inside out constitute an anti-revolutionary sensibility that relies on three fantasies: perpetual household production, where capitalism never begins; perpetual primitive accumulation, where capitalism permanently remains in its initial stage, and where social contradictions are always deferred; and in the promise of political community somewhere else – the promise of a political community that is born without the need of violence or revolution. The first two fantasies are found to remain unfulfilled – contradictions are displaced too, sometimes quite rapidly. The spatial fix is at best a temporary solution. The first fantasy rests on a fundamental exclusion – a move that is inevitably and often spectacularly bio;lent. Setting up a polity against someone – in the case of settler colonialism, against indigenous peoples – is not like setting up a polity without them: the settler colonial polity cannot be amended by inclusion, because it is foundationally violent and dispossessory. If this exlusion is to be addressed, the settler colonial poultry must be dissolved, which is a … revolution. The world turned inside out cannot keep its promises.”
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